
BY ALLEN S.WILL 

OF THE BALTIMORE SUN 



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[pA> 




Class JL^:^_:iA 



Gopglitl»l". 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT. 



JOSEPH MCDONOUGH 
RARE BOOKS 

ALBANY - NY. 



WORLD-CRISIS IN CHINA, 1900. 



A short account of the outbreak of 
the War with the ** Boxers," and 
ensuing foreign complications, in= 
eluding also a sketch of events 
leading up to the distracted situ- 
ation in the Chinese Empire in 
the closing year of the century. 



BY 

OF THE BALTIMORE SUN. 



JOHN MURPHY COMPANY, 

PUBLISHERS: 

Baltimore, Md. : Ne-,^ York : 

44 W, Baltimore Street. 70 Fifth Avenue. 






Copyright, 1900, by John Murphy CJompany. 



CONTENTS. 



Chapter. page, 

^ I.— Causes of the Crisis of 1900, /. . . 1 

II.— Story of the Crisis in Detail, y . . 10 

III. — Interests of the United States in China, . 43 

rV. — The Chinese- Japanese War, ... 74 

V. — The KAiiiWAY as a Conqueror in Asia, . 107 

VI. — Four Notable Characters in China : — 

The Empress Dowager, The Emperor, 

Li Hung Chang, and Kang Yu Wei, . 114 

VII. — The Era of Foreign Interference, . .127 

VIII.— History of China at a Glance, . . 146 

IX. — The Great Taeping Kebellion, . . . 156 

X,— Chinese Eeligion and Civilization, . 165 

XI. — How China is Governed, .... 188 



PREFACE 



" What is the news fropj. China ? " is the question 
that everybody is asking. The newspapers are full of 
dispatches telling the story of a startling succession of 
events that seem destined to shake the world. Even 
the presidential campaign, now in progress, occupies a 
subordinate place in the estimation of the American 
public, whose interest is fixed on the extraordinary 
possibilities of the situation in the Flowery Kingdom. 

'' But what does it all mean ? " asks the reader again. 
Here he cannot so readily find an answer. The news- 
papers faithfully tell the story of the developments in 
the situation as it rapidly unfolds itself, but the reader 
seeks something more than that. He wants to know 
how the present crisis was produced ; what tremendous 
forces are at work in this task of gripping by the throat 
a nation of 400,000,000 ; what are the possibilities and 
probabilities of the immediate future ; how far and for 
what reason the United States has been drawn into the 
vortex. In brief, he wants up-to-date information 
which will bring him in touch with the situation as it 
now exists. He seeks a special key to the events of the 
remote and immediate past which will give him a 
foundation for comprehending clearly and in their full 
significance the successive stages in the crisis as they 
are presented to him day by day. 

vii 



Vlll PREFACE. 

Such being the case, no apology is needed for even 
the humblest endeavor to fill this want. The book is 
oflfered as a suppplement to the older histories of 
China, many of them admirable and thorough works 
but not approaching sufficiently close to the present. 
It aims to bring the recent changes and upheavals 
easily within the comprehension of those who may 
care to read it. An effort has been made to show 
what the political, social, educational and religious 
system of China is and how it has come in contact with 
the civilization of the western world; important epochs 
in the history of the empire itself, particularly those 
bearing on the present situation, are also described. 
Especial attention has been bestowed on the points of 
contact between China and the United States. In the 
hope that the book may play some part, however 
modest, as a clue to the coming century in China, 
which seems destined to be the most critical period in 
all her long history, it is herewith presented. 

Allen S. Will. 
Baltimore, July 26, 1900. 



World-Crisis in China, 1900. 



CHAPTEH I. 

Causes of the Crisis of 1900. 

FOR China it has been but a step from the 
seclusion of a hermit kingdom, ages old, to 
the centre of the world^s stage of diplomacy. Until 
the present century was well on its way, she had no 
regular official relations with any foreign country 
and wanted none. She was content to work out her 
own destiny in her own fashion. China was to be 
for the Chinese, and the rest of the world was to be 
as its peoples chose to make it. 

But what a marvellous change is presented to- 
day ! Every chancellory in Europe has one of its 
star diplomats accredited to Pekin. The ambitious 
dreams of the world's great military and naval 
powers centre around the land of the Mongols. 
Fleets and armies are ready to meet in the clash of 
battle for the possession of the ancient empire's soil, 
and wait but the word to begin. Mutual jealousy 

1 



2 THE CRISIS OF 1900. 

has alone prevented an actual parcelling out of the 
country among aliens in race and religion. This 
element of restraint may reach the stage of insuf- 
ficiency at any moment, and then — who can prophesy 
the result? A world- war greater than any in 
modern times is the imminent and awful possibility 
that looms up. 

And why, asks the reader, this sudden rush of 
the nations toward China ? What is the prize that 
threatens to involve them in mutual slaughter on a 
tremendous scale? The answer is found in the 
vast riches of the empire developed by the toil of 
its people through centuries. The land is enor- 
mously fertile, and is blessed with a climate that 
makes it a bee-hive of the world^s production. It 
supports 400,000,000 people and can support more. 
Its teas, its rice, its silks, its cotton, its bamboo — 
these and a thousand other sources of wealth tempt 
ithe cupidity of the world. To control this trade 
is regarded as the international prize of the century. 
And to drill and arm those vast yellow hordes and 
turn them in the service of another power to con- 
quer the world or at least to defy it — is the project 
not one to dazzle men trained to look at things 
through the spectacles of modern diplomacy ? 

The humanitarian will probably argue that the 
Chinese have a right to their own country ; that their 
trade, if exploited at all by foreigners, should be 
exploited under the laws and authority of the 
Chinese government itself; that the customs and 



THE CRISIS OF 1900. 3 

prejudices of the people should be respected as 
far as possible and that whatever the foreign 
governments seek to accomplish within the realm 
should be striven for with the weapons of peace 
and justice^ not with those of war and deceit. ; 

But modern diplomacy works by its own pro- 
cesses. To paraphrase a much-quoted saying, the 
decalogue has no place in diplomacy — or very 
little place, at any rate. While the individuaPs 
standard of morals in these days is that of Chris- 
tian civilization, the code of the world^s diplomats 
is still that of the stone age. ^^An eye for an eye 
and a tooth for a tooth ^^ is the stern rule of 
Mosaic justice. But the powers of Europe have 
sought to take from China a city for an eye and 
a province for a tooth. 

Trade and territory — these are the shibboleths 
of our modern chancellories. Land is wanted 
but riches are wanted more. This never-satisfied 
grasp for trade is a natural result of overcrowded 
populations and it is leading to some astonishing 
results. In ancient times it was the glory of 
conquest that tempted the Alexanders and Caesars. 
Now it is the spoil of war that lures them on. 
The knight does the work of the merchant — not 
the merchant that of the knight. 

China has her faults and many of them — what 
nation has not? And a bitter penalty, it appears, 
she must pay. If events move in the same pro- 
cession in the next few years as in the last few 



4 THE CEISIS OF 1900. 

the partition of Poland is to be repeated in the 
ancient empire on the eastern shores of Asia. 

And now to the immediate causes which have led 
up to the crisis of 1900. It has been the China- 
man's greatest misfortune that he does not like 
foreigners. His natural and deep-rooted aversion 
to them, born of 4500 years of seclusion in his own 
land, has not been reduced by the effects of the 
foreign influx as he has seen them. \ The character 
of the foreigners who have gone to China, has not, 
in many cases, been such as to convey a normally 
good impression of the great world beyond. The 
sailor class, with its vices, has thronged the seaports 
to bear away the wealth of Cathay. Holders of 
foreign concessions have often been arbitrary, over- 
bearing and avaricious. The motives and methods 
of the Christian nations as illustrated by their 
diplomatic intercourse with Pekin, have often been 
at variance with the sublime precepts of the Bible 
which missionaries have preached as the supreme 
law. All this has tended to confirm the Chinaman 
in his previous opinion that foreigners are at best 
but '^ foreign devils." He has veered to extremes 
in his hatred of them and their works. - 

But this feeling against foreigners did not reach 
uncontrollable limits until, following the Chinese- 
Japanese war of 1894-95, Russia, under the guise of 
a lease, acquired possession of the enormously strong 
fortress of Port Arthur, and the splendid seaport of 
Talienwan. Russia also acquired railway franchises 



THE CRISIS OF 1900. 5 

in Manchuria, the great northern province of China, 
from which the ruling dynasty of the empire comes. 
It was but a sh'ght stretch for Russia to string her 
columns of troops all over Manchuria, and lap them 
over into the neighboring province of Mongolia, 
taking virtual possession of important strategic posi- 
tions everywhere she went. Thus all of Northern 
China, a region reaching from the Siberian border 
almost to Pekin, was practically acquired by Russia 
with no more foundation of title than a lease of two 
ports and a few railway concessions. 

England, anxious to keep pace with her colossal 
rival, followed in kind. Port Arthur and Talien- 
wan are on the northern side of the Gulf of Pechili, 
which is the sea gateway to Pekin. England de- 
manded and secured the fortress of Wei Hai Wei, 
on the southern side of the gulf, and which, when a 
large fleet is stationed there, commands the gulf^s 
entrance. Imagine a semicircle with its open side 
to the east. This may be taken to represent the 
Gulf of Pechili. Equidistant from its two ends, 
and at its western extremity, is Taku, the entrance 
to the Peiho river, leading to Pekin, 120 miles 
from the mouth of the river. On the northern 
segment of the semicircle are Port Arthur and Tali- 
enwan, and on the southern segment is Wei Hai 
Wei. Besides seizing Wei Hai Wei, England se- 
cured an extension of her territory at Hong Kong. 
The city of Hong Kong is on an island, and the 
extension obtained was on the mainland adjacent, in 



6 THE CRISIS OF 1900. 

the district of Kowlun. The foreign settlements 
at Shanghai, controlled by Americans, British and 
French, were also extended. 

Germany was not slow to take the cue. For the 
murder of two German missionaries in the province 
of Shantung, which stretches south from the shore 
of the Gulf of Pechili, Emperor William demanded 
possession of the seaport and fortress of Kiaochau, 
on the eastern border of Shantung, and of prefer- 
ential rights for Germans in the whole province. 
This was soon in a fair way of being made equiva- 
lent to absolute German authority in Shantung. 

France, which claims a sphere of influence in 
Southern China, extending north from Tonkin to 
the British sphere in the valley of the Yangtzekiang, 
advanced her posts northward and demanded and 
received new concessions for railways and canals. 

Italy demanded a lease of San Muu Bay on the 
eastern coast of the empire south of Kiaochau. 
Here, for once China showed backbone. She felt 
that she could afford to deny Italy's demand and 
she did so. Italy has not withdrawn the claim but 
has taken no positive steps to enforce it. 

China and the Chinese were alarmed at these 
extraordinary developments — all within the space 
of four years, from 1895 to 1899. It came to be 
accepted as a fact among them that the foreign 
powers were bent upon a partition of China and 
that this partition was an early and sudden prob- 
ability. They looked back upon the work of 



THE CRISIS OF 1900. 7 

centuries in despair that it seemed about to be 
undone. Their despair quickly turned to rage, and 
the flame of anti-foreign feeling was fanned to white 
heat.) 

Tt was the native converts to Christianity who 
first felt the scorch of this flame. This may seem 
strange at first but a brief analysis of the situation 
as it existed will show that it was a natural direction 
for the anti-foreign feeling to take. The pagan 
Chinamen regarded the native converts as traitors 
and renegades to their cause who were more to be 
despised than the active and avowed missionaries 
themselves. Then, too, there was a fear of attacking 
the missionaries directly, for this would arouse the 
wrath of the foreign powers and afford the very 
pretext which was so eagerly sought — a pretext to 
divide China. So long as only native Christians 
were murdered, the Pekin government could hold 
that it was purely an internal affair, and that it 
could deal in its own way with the murder of its 
own subjects by fellow subjects. The seizure of 
Kiaochau by Germany as indemnity for the 
murder of two missionaries served in marked 
degree to inflame the Chinese against the Christian 
proselyters. They regarded the loss of one of their 
richest provinces as directly due to these missionaries 
of an alien religion. It is in Shantung that the 
present outbreak has attained its most acute 
development. 



8 THE CRISIS OF 1900. 

Then^ too, the Chinese present other grievances 
against the missionaries — grievances which are 
declared by the missionaries themselves to be largely 
without foundation. They allege that the missiona- 
ries, through the representatives of their countries at 
Pekin, secure undue political advantages for the 
converted Chinamen over the unconverted. For 
instance, it is charged that native Christians have 
made a practice of complaining to the missionaries 
that their taxes were too high ; that the missionaries 
have in many cases, through the ministers at Pekin, 
obtained a lowering of these taxes, to the injustice 
of the pagan Chinaman, who has thus been com- 
pelled to bear an unjust share of the government^'s 
burdens. It is alleged that many native converts 
to Christianity have been actuated by no more 
worthy motive than the securing of lower taxes and 
other official favors. The missionaries have also 
been charged with arrogance and greed. To assume 
that the whole body of devoted servants of the 
Christian mission cause has been guilty of these 
faults would be a gross calumny. It would be 
equally absurd to assume that isolated instances of 
this character have not occurred. The Chinaman 
has been too prone to ignore the virtues of the many 
and magnify the sins of the few. And thus he has 
come, in some sections of China, to regard all mis- 
sionaries with distrust. 

"A number of popular errors regarding mission- 
aries have gained wide credence. For instance, 



THE CRISIS OF 1900. 9 

there is a belief among Chinese that the mission- 
aries cut out the eyes of young children for use in 
their rites and in medicine. Thus the orphanages 
attached to the missions have been the victims of 
deep and unjustified distrust. 

Still another grievance against the foreigners 
was the manner of introducing railroads. It was 
charged that these lines were surveyed and in some 
cases actually constructed through cemeteries over 
the graves of Chinamen's ancestors. In the eyes 
of the Chinese there could be no greater outrage 
than this. Ancestor-worship is one of the primary 
elements of their religion^ and to have the bones of 
their forefathers thus defiled was more than they 
could stand. It was also charged that the right- 
of-way for these roads was acquired by summary 
and unjust methods, which worked great hardship 
on hundreds of natives. 

We have thus sketched in brief the leading causes 
which prepared China for an anti-foreign upheaval 
of vast proportions. The form which this upheaval 
took constituted a crime against humanity and was 
totally without excuse. It has tended to alienate 
from the Chinese all the sympathy which some of 
their admitted wrongs had created in their favor. 
We will consider this subject in our next chapter. 



CHAPTER II. 

Story of the Crisis in Detail. 

( TN the spring of 1900 one of the numerous anti- 
1 foreign societies that had sprung up in China 
began to commit acts of atrocity on a wide scale. 
This is the society of " Boxers/^ as they are popu- 
larly called. The name of the organization is 
I-ho-chu-an, meaning League of United Patriots. 
The last word of this title is pronounced in some 
parts of China the same as the Chinese word for 
fists, though the characters denoting it are different. 
Hence it is easy by a slight pun to translate the 
title as '' League of United Fists.^^ One of the 
mottoes of the society may be translated as ^' patriot- 
ism, righteousness, fists/^ — an idea corresponding 
to the English one of militant patriotism in a good 
cause. Besides, one of the rules of the society enjoins 
the practice of athletic sports, including boxing, by its 
members. Hence it is not difficult to account for the 
popular term '' Boxers,^^ now exclusively applied to 
this society by English-speaking people. 

A number of other secret organizations have 
made common cause with the Boxers, notably the 
Society of the Great Knife, which has wide influ- 
ence in China. The one name, however^ is now 
used to denote all who are engaged in the outbreak. 
10 



THE CEISIS IN BETArL. 11 

The Boxers are a secret and oath-bound organ- 
ization. Their avowed object is the extermination 
of the foreigners who they believe are about to 
despoil and divide the land of their ancestors. 
Their operations began in October^ 1899, when 
they began openly drilling in the streets of the 
principal cities of North China, and committed 
occasional acts of lawlessness against native Chris- 
tians. These disorders were considered local at 
first and the secret character of the Boxers^ organ- 
ization prevented a thorough and prompt compre- 
hension of the grave character of their movement. 
Secret societies are common in China and are 
usually within the control of the Pekin govern- 
ment, provided it is disposed to act vigorously. 

The Boxers continued to receive large accessions 
to their ranks, and in the early spring of 1900 they 
had grown to an estimated numerical strength of 
3,000,000. Emboldened by the popularity of their 
cause, they began to commit acts of bloody lawless- 
ness on a large scale. A reign of terror was inau- 
gurated at every city, town and village in North 
China where the missionaries were established. 
Hundreds of native Christians were massacred, 
often with appalling tortures. Missionary property 
was burned and the missionaries were compelled to 
flee to the coast cities, where they sought protection 
under the formidable guns of foreign warships. The 
local Chinese troops appeared unable or unwilling 
to check the outrages. They were in active sym- 
pathy with the Boxers in many cases, and deserted 



12 THE CEISIS IN DETAIL. 

by wholesale to the ranks of the outlaws, carrying 
with them their rifles and their ideas of foreign 
military drill learned from Russian, German and 
Japanese instructors. These accessions made the 
Boxers vastly more powerful. At first they had 
been insufficiently armed, many being provided only 
with steel pikes, axes, or sharpened poles of bamboo. 
Now they began to get rifles, and quickly learned 
how to use them. From a rabble they became an 
army. The taste of blood made them mad for more. 
No mercy was shown, and the native Christians, the 
principal objects of their wrath, fled in droves to 
escape the awful storm. 

The Boxers adhered in a general way to the policy 
of confining their operations to the native Chris- 
tians. A number of foreign missionaries were re- 
ported murdered, but the fact of murder has been 
confirmed in the cases of but two — Rev. H. V. 
Norman and Rev. C. Robertson, both English. 
Many of the missionaries were in great danger, but 
their hasty exodus to the coast cities saved the great 
majority of them. 

As previously intimated, the form which the 
anti-foreign outbreak took was wholly to be con- 
demned. The horrible murders perpetrated by the 
boxers caused the world to shudder. It w^as a war 
of private vengeance on private individuals, for 
which not even the shadow of excuse could be 
found. The Chinese were correct in supposing 
that the powers of Europe contemplated the divi- 
sion and exploitation of their country. The official 



THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 13 

acts of the powers proved this beyond all doubt. 
The proper course would have been for China to 
arm and prepare to defend herself against the 
aggressions of Europe — to maintain the integrity 
of China, if necessary, by a defensive war waged 
by the government and army, acting within the 
rules of humane warfare as far as any warfare can 
be humane. For a secret society, a band of private 
individuals, to appropriate and administer the 
vengeance which belonged to the government, if to 
anybody, was going at the problem not only in a 
wrong way, but an atrocious way. 

Repeated appeals were made by the foreign min- 
isters at Pekin to the Tsung-li-yamen (Chinese 
foreign office), but no effective steps to stop the 
outrages were taken. It began to appear that if the 
Christians were to be protected and the uprising 
suppressed, the foreign governments themselves 
would have to act. On May 19 Bishop Favier, 
head of the Roman Catholic Missionaries in China, 
wrote as follows to M. Pechon, French minister at 
Pekin : 

^^Mr. Minister : From day to day the situation becomes more 
serious and threatening. In the prefecture of Poating 
more tlian seventy Christians have been massacred ; near 
Echao-Icheou only three days ago three neophytes have been 
cut in pieces. Many villages have been pillaged and burned ; 
a great many others have been completely abandoned. More 
than two thousand Christians are fleeing, without bread, with- 
out clothing, without shelter. At Pekin alone about four 
hundred refugees, men, Tvomen and children, are already 



14 THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 

lodged at our house and that of the Sisters ; within a week we 
will probably have many thousands. We will have to dismiss 
the schools and the colleges ; also use all the hospitals to make 
room for these unfortunate persons. Upon the east of us 
pillage and incendiarism are imminent ; we are hourly receiv- 
ing the most alarming news. Pekin is surrounded on all sides. 
The Boxers are daily coming nearer the capital, delayed only 
by the destruction which they are making of Christians. 
Believe me, I pray you, Mr. Minister, that I am well informed 
and say nothing lightly. Religious persecution is only one 
object. The real purpose is the extermination of Europeans, 
a purpose which is clearly set forth and written upon the 
banners of the Boxers, Their associates await them at Pekin, 
where they will begin by attacking the churches and finish 
with the legations. For us here at the Paitang the day is 
practically ended. All the city knows it; everybody is speak- 
ing of it, and a popular outbreak is manifest. Yesterday 
evening 43 poor women and their children, flying from the 
massacre, arrived at the house of the Sisters. More than five 
hundred persons accompanied them, saying to them that if 
they had escaped this once they would soon die with the 
others. Mr. Minister, I do not speak to you of placards with- 
out number which are posted in the city against Europeans in 
general. Each day new ones appear, more explicit than the 
others. Those who 30 years ago were present at the Tientsin 
massacre are struck with the resemblance of the situation then 
to that of to-day — the same placards, the same threats, the 
same warnings and the same blindness. Under these circum- 
stances, Mr. Minister, I believe it my duty to ask you to kindly 
send us at least forty or fifty marines to protect our persons 
and our property. This has been done under circumstances 
much less critical, and I hope you will take into consideration 
our humble prayer.'^ 

About the same time Rev. Charles A. Killie, an 
American missionary in Pekin, wrote a letter to 



THE CBISIS IN DETAIL. 15 

Hon. Edwin H. Conger^ the United States minister, 
setting forth in detail the recent operations of the 
Boxers and giving a list of villages near the capital 
in which the organization was flourishing. An 
appeal was made for immediate action. 

These reminders and the critical seriousness of 
the situation as observed by the ministers themselves 
led to a meeting of the diplomatic body at Pekin on 
May 20. The meeting drew up the following note, 
which was sent to the Tsung-li-yamen : 

" The Prince and Ministers : I have the honor to commnni- 
cate to you the text of a resolution prepared by the repre- 
sentatives of the foreign powers accredited to Pekin. The 
diplomatic body, relying upon the Imperial decrees already 
published which have ordered the dissolution of the Boxers, 
demands : 

"First — The arrest of all persons practising the drills of 
that association, provoking disturbances upon the public high- 
way, posting, printing or distributing placards which may 
contain threats against foreigners. 

^' Second — The arrest of owners or guardians of temples or 
other places where the Boxers assemble and the treatment of 
these accomplices and criminal abettors as Boxers themselves. 

"Third — The chastisement of the public officials who may 
render themselves culpable by neglecting to suppress any dis- 
order, or who may connive with the rioters. 

" Fourth — The execution of the authors of outrages against 
persons or property. 

" Fifth — The execution of persons Vv'ho are supporting and 
directing the Boxers in the present disturbances. 

" Sixth— The publication in Pekin, in Pechili and the other 
northern provinces of proclamations bringing these measures 
to the knowledge of the people. 



16 THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 

"I am, besides, charged by the diplomatic corps to inform 
you that it expects a satisfactory reply to this demand without 
unnecessary delay. 

"I improve the occasion to reiterate the assurance of my 
highest consideration/' 

The note was signed by B. Cologan, the Spanish 
minister, as dean of the diplomatic corps. 

The attitude of the Tsung-li-yamen, in response 
to this demand, was far from satisfactory to the 
ministers. It was clearly set forth in the following 
letter from Minister Conger to Secretary Hay 
under date of May 21: 

"/SVr; In response to the request of the French Minister the 
dean called a meeting of the diplomatic corps yesterday, and, 
upon information furnished in a letter from the Catholic 
bishop in Pekin and verbal reports by the other Ministers, 
the situation was considered so grave that the corps unani- 
mously instructed the dean to present it to the Chinese For- 
eign Office and demand immediate and effective measures. 
The note was presented today. I also enclose copies of the 
bishop^s letter and one from Rev. Mr. Killie, an American 
missionary who lives in Pekin, but travels a circuit to the 
north and east. On the 18th instant in the course of an 
extended personal interview with the Chinese Foreign Office, 
I called its attention to the fact that, notwithstanding constant 
warnings from this and other legations, the Boxers had con- 
tinually increased and spread, until now they are boldly 
organizing inside the wall of Pekin. The existence of thous- 
ands is known in the villages around Pekin. Christian con- 
verts are being persecuted and threatened everywhere. Many 
are forced to recant their religious professions, and some have 
been compelled to abandon their chapels and come to Pekin 
for safety. 

"I said: *At a London mission near Chochau, 40 miles 
west of Pekin, two native Christians have been killed and 



THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 1? 

their chapels destroyed. Near Paoting a Catholic village 
has been destroyed and 61 Christians murdered, some of them 
being burned alive. The foreign governments cannot longer 
sit idly by and witness this persecution and murder. I can 
only speak for my own Government, but it is becoming very 
impatient over China's continued treaty violation. It always 
has been and still is the good friend of China and only wishes 
it prosperity, but is now more than ever determined to sustain 
the treaty rights of all American citizens and of the Christian 
converts. It will hold the Chinese Government to the strictest 
responsibility for every treaty infraction in this regard. It 
will do this not only for the benefit of its own citizens, but in 
the interest of China herself, whose Government is now sadly 
threatened by these lawless organizations. At present it is true 
they seem to have no capable leader, but should one arise and 
the populace become really inflamed the overthrow of the 
present dynasty is most likely to follow and possibly the 
destruction of the Empire.' 

" They assured me that suflScient troops had been sent to the 
disturbed districts to restore order and afibrd protection. 

" I again told them that restored order would be the only 
possible proof. I also said that unless the situation was relieved 
and the threatening danger from mobs averted I should be 
compelled to ask for a sufficient guard of American marines to 
insure the safety of the legation. 

"They said: * Oh, don't do that. It is unnecessary.' And 
again promising energetic action, the interview closed. 

" Unless some energetic action is taken the situation will 
become fraught with great danger to all foreigners, not from 
any intelligent or organized attacks, but from ignorant and 
inflamed mob violence. I believe, as I said in my telegram, 
that the Government is itself alarmed at the situation and will 
take more energetic action, but no one can be certain of this 
until it is done." 

The diplomatic body at Pekin began to hold 
almost daily meetings and repeatedly represented to 
2 



18 THE CRISIS IN DETAIL* 

the Tsung-li-yamen the inadequacy of the measures 
which were being taken. It was also forcibly 
represented that as the disorders were spreading to 
Pekin itself, the ministers were beginning to fear 
for the safety of the legations, and proposed to send 
for marine guards from the foreign warships at 
Taku for protection. The Tsung-li-yamen protested 
that there was no necessity to send for marines, and 
declared that it would not consent to the landing of 
any foreign troops in China. 

On May 30 the ministers sent an ultimatum to 
the Tsung-li-yamen demanding that the marines be 
allowed to land, and threatening that if consent 
were longer refused they would urge their govern- 
ments to land men by force. The yamen was 
given until 6 A. M., on the following day, to reply. 
A midnight session was held at the palace, and at 
2.30 A. M., May 31, the ministers were notified that 
the Chinese government consented to the landing 
of marines. 

Prompt notice was sent to the foreign fleet 
gathered at Taku, which by this time numbered 
twenty-three vessels, including nine Russian, three 
British, three German, three French, two American, 
two Italian and one Japanese. The American ships 
were the cruiser Newark, with Rear-Admiral 
KempflP on board, and the gunboat Monocacy. On 
the day when the Chinese government yielded to 
the ultimatum of the ministers, marines landed 
from these ships and proceeded to Tientsin, going 



THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 19 

thence by rail to the Chinese capital. From Taku 
to Tientsin the journey is 40 miles up the shallow 
Peiho river, and from Tientsin there is a railway, 
78 miles long, leading to Pekin. The marines went 
in launches from Taku to Tientsin and made the 
rest of the trip by rail. 

Thus was the first step faken in active foreign 
interference with the outbreak of the boxers in 
China. It soon led to results of the gravest 
character, as we shall presently see. The marines 
who landed and proceeded to Pekin were destined 
to share in the long isolation of the capital and the 
terrible straits of the legations. They were con- 
stituted as follows : 

Americans — Seven officers and 56 men. 
British — Three officers and 72 men. 
Italians — Three officers and 39 men. 
French — Three officers and 72 men. 
Eussians — Four officers and 71 men. 
Japanese — Two officers and 24 men. 
The foreign contingent also took five quick- 
firing guns. 

On June 1, Minister Conger reported to the 
State Department that the arrival of the marines 
had improved the situation in Pekin. The capital, 
he said, was much quieter but the Boxers were still 
active in the surrounding country. This state of 
affairs was not to continue. 



20 THE CRISIS IK DETAIL. 

News of the marines^ arrival soon spread and the 
masses of the Chinese were inflamed with rage. 
Here was another instance of foreign interference, 
and of their own government being compelled to 
yield to the threats of the '^ foreign devils.^^ The 
Boxers' ranks grew rapidly, their rage knew no 
bounds. ^^Action '^ was their cry. They began to 
close in on Pekin and Tientsin in large numbers and 
prepared to cut the railway leading from Tientsin 
to the capital. This railway they regarded as the 
key to the situation. They saw the massing at 
Taku of the foreign warships, which were constantly 
increasing in numbers, and they believed this was 
for the purpose of landing a large foreign army and 
moving on their capital, their sacred city. To the 
minds of their leaders the most eflfective way to 
save the capital was to cut the railway, which 
afforded the easiest way for gaining access to it. 

At first the railway was cut in a few places, but 
the line as a whole was not then seized. The Boxers 
were not yet ready to take effective possession of it. 
Though the breaks in the line were repaired, the 
commanders of the warships saw a new element of 
danger in the situation, and sent 2,000 additional 
marines to Tientsin. 

The Chinese government was now thoroughly 
alarmed, and with vigor undertook the task of re- 
pressing the boxers. In this lay its only hope, but 
the hope was doomed to disappointment. The 
Imperial troops at Pekin attacked a large force of 



THE CEISIS IN DETAIL. 21 

Boxers who had coDgregated near the capital. Hun- 
dreds were killed on both sides^ but the Boxers, 
inspired with the zeal of fanatics, were victorious. 
The Chinese government's infusion of vigor had 
come too late. It could not depend on the loyalty 
of its own troops. An edict was issued censuring 
the " cowardice '^ of the Imperial army, and order- 
ing the viceroy of Pechili to suppress the Boxers, 
but these measures came too late. 

Interruptions of the Tientsin-Pekin railway con- 
tinued, and by June 6 the line was wholly blocked. 
Boxers were in possession of it for its entire length. 
Hereafter we shall speak of the Boxers as ^^Chinese,'' 
for by June 6 so many of the Imperial troops, 
including prominent generals, had deserted to them 
that it was difficult to say which was the army and 
who were rebels. Immense quantities of ammuni- 
tion, rifles, quick-firing guns and cannon had been 
secured, and it was a well equipped army which was 
holding the railway to Pekin. 

The commanders of the foreign fleets at Taku 
were alarmed, and decided to take prompt steps to 
reopen the railway. Of the 2000 marines at Tient- 
sin, 1078 were made into a composite force, and 
Vice Admiral Sir George Edward Seymour, of the 
British navy, who was then the senior officer in rank 
with the foreign squadron, took command. On June 
10 he marched from Tientsin, on the way to 
Pekin, to reopen the railway and disperse the 
Chinese. His efforts were doomed to failure. The 



22 THE CEISIS IN DETAIL. 

foreign commanders had not yet realized the tre- 
mendous nature of the task before them. 

Of Seymour's force, 100 were Americans, com- 
manded by Capt. Bowman H. McCalla, of the 
cruiser Newark. British and Russians were largely 
in the majority. The force was increased to 2500 
men soon after it left Tientsin, reinforcements being 
hurried forward. 

The admiral had advanced 30 miles June 11, 
when he encountered a force of Chinese and killed 
35 of them. The Chinese, though dispersed tem- 
porarily, began to mass in great numbers in front 
of Seymour. On June 12 he was able to advance 
only three miles, his front, rear and flanks being 
constantly threatened. Two attacks w^ere made on 
his advance guard June 13 by Chinese, who again 
met a reverse. On June 14 there was another 
determined attack, the Chinese losing over 100 
killed and the allies again being successful, their 
loss being five killed. The rear guard of the 
allies at Lofa station v^^as compelled to face an 
onslaught, and, in fact, June 14 was marked by 
almost constant fighting. The allies managed to 
reach Anting, 12 miles from Pekiu, but when they 
got there tliey were so terribly hard-pressed, the 
railway in their front had been so extensively 
destroyed and their rear was so imminently threat- 
ened, that further advance was considered practi- 
cally impossible. 



THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 23 

On June 16 Seymour decided to retrace his 
steps. His force was in a critical position. For 
six days his supplies had been cut off and he was 
hampered by his wounded. Almost every mile of 
his return was marked by fighting. The Chinese, 
when defeated in one village, retired to the next, 
where they would undertake another stand. Sey- 
mour made a night march June 23 and reached 
the Chinese arsenal, three miles from Tientsin, 
where a heavy fire was opened on him. He stormed 
and seized the arsenal and then sent to Tientsin for 
help. Another body of marines went to his rescue 
and on June 26 he was at last back at his starting 
place, having accomplished nothing. His losses 
during the sixteen days were 62 killed and 206 
wounded. The Americans in his party had 4 
killed and 25 wounded. 

Meanwhile events at Tientsin had moved in 
startling fashion ; Chinese surrounded the city 
in great numbers and began a bombardment with 
heavy artillery. The consulates of the United 
States and other nations were destroyed and there 
was considerable loss of life. The few marines 
left in Tientsin June 10, when Seymour started on 
his ill-fated expedition, were inadequate to defend 
the foreign quarter of the city. So another relief 
expedition was determined upon by the foreign 
commanders at Taku. This expedition was made 
up of 130 American marines under command of 
Major Littleton W. T. Waller and 400 Russians. 



24 THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 

In an ambuscade near Tientsin, June 21, four of 
Waller's men were killed and seven wounded. An 
additional force of 2000 marines had been landed 
by the allies in the meantime and, forming a junc- 
tion with the Americans and Russians, pushed on 
to Tientsin, which they occupied June 23, cutting 
their way through the investing force of Chinese. 
A brief respite in the Chinese attack gave an 
opportunity for relieving Seymour, which was 
accomplished in the manner already narrated. 

Taku itself had developed another surprise in the 
situation. The commanders of the allied fleets held 
a meeting June 16 and decided that it was neces- 
sary to take temporary possession of the mud forts 
there. Notice was served on Lo Jung Kuang, the 
commandant of the forts, and on the viceroy at 
Tientsin, the supreme civil officer in the province 
in which Taku is situated. It was also decided to 
take charge of the station at Tongku, near Taku, 
belonging to the Chinese government railway. Rear 
Admiral Kempff,the American commander, declined 
to take part in any of these proposed hostile acts 
against China, saying that he was '^ not authorized 
to initiate any act of war against a country with 
whom the United States government is at peace.'' 
Nevertheless the allies decided to go ahead without 
him. The railway station at Tongku was promptly 
seized, and early in the morning of June 17 a fight 
began between the allies and the Chinese in the 
Taku forts. For some hours the bombardment was 



THE CRISIS IN DETAII.. 25 

brisk, and then a landing party stormed the forts 
and captured them. The American vessels held 
aloof, but a stray shot from a Chinese fort struck 
the Monocacy, inflicting slight damage. The losses 
of the allies in the fight were 20 killed and 90 
wounded. The Chinese left about 200 dead in the 
forts, though no effort was made to count the bodies 
exactly. 

Each side accuses the other of having fired the 
first shot at Taku. In response to the demand for 
the surrender of the forts, the Chinese say, their 
commander was bound to give all the resistance in 
his power. With Taku in their possession, the 
allies found the problem of operating against Tien- 
tsin and Pekin simplified. The Taku forts had 
been the only defense of the mouth of the Peiho 
river. 

Pekin, the ultimate objective of all the move- 
ments by the allies, had been plunged into awful 
straits. The city was isolated June 14, and has 
remained so up to the present time (July 26). All 
the railroads and telegraph lines were seized by 
large forces of Chinese. It was maintained by the 
Tsung-li-yamen that the arrival of the foreign 
marines, May 31, greatly incensed the populace. 
The marines were accused of acts of indiscretion, 
such as patrolling streets where there was no need 
for it and firing their rifles indiscriminately. The 
Boxers were soon in virtual possession of nearly all 
Pekin. The powerful Prince Tuan, father of the 



26 THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 

heir apparent to the Chinese throne, openly espoused 
their cause and became their leader. The summer 
quarters of the British legation, fourteen miles from 
the capital, were burned. The Chancellor of the 
Japanese legation, Sugiyama Akira, was killed by a 
mob in the streets of Pekin. But the crowning 
atrocity was the murder, on June 18, of Ba^on Von 
Ketteler, German ambassador to China, who was 
killed by a mob as he was mounting his horse to 
call on the Tsung-li-yamen. The baron was for- 
merly first secretary of the German legation at 
Washington, and married Miss Maud Ledyard, of 
Detroit, Mich,, daughter of H. B. Ledyard, presi- 
dent of the Michigan Central Railroad. At the 
same time the baron was killed his interpreter was 
wounded, but saved himself by running into the 
German legation. 

Emperor William decided to act at once, taking 
immediate steps for the dispatch of a large fleet and 
20,000 soldiers to China, In a public speech at 
Kiel he declared that he would not rest until he had 
vengeance on China for the German blood that had 
been spilt, and until the German flag floated from 
the walls of Pekin side by side with the flags of the 
other powers. 

In the absence of direct communication wild 
rumors continued to come from Pekin as to the 
state of affairs there. One of these was to the effect 
that the whole city reeked with slaughter and that 
every foreigner there had been killed. Others stated 



THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 27 

that the legations were surrounded by Prince Tuan's 
boxers and that all foreigners had taken refuge in 
the British embassy, the strongest of the foreign 
buildings for purposes of defense. Artillery was 
trained on these legations and it was stated that 
they were subjected to more or less bombardment. 
As Pekin is still isolated at this writing, it is 
impossible to confirm these rumors. 

Besides the wild and often contradictory rumors 
from Pekin, a few dispatches from foreign diplo- 
matic officials there have filtered through. Captain 
Charles M. Thomas, commander of the cruiser 
Brooklyn, transmitted to the United States navy 
department a letter from United States Minister 
Conger dated July 4 and sent to Tientsin. This 
letter was as follows : 

"Been besieged two weeks British legation. Grave danger 
general massacre by Chinese soldiers, who are shelling legation 
daily. Relief soon, if at all. City without government except 
by Chinese army. Determined to massacre all foreigners in 
Pekin. Entry relief forces into city will be hotly contested.'' 

Another message from Minister Conger, the 
authenticity of which is believed by Secretary Hay 
but doubted by diplomats in Europe was received 
later. It said : 

" In British legation. Under continued shot and shell fire 
from Chinese troops. Quick relief only can prevent general 
massacre." 

This message was not dated, but the Chinese 
authorities through whom it was received said it 



28 THE CKISIS IN DETAIL. 

was sent from Pekin July 18. It was in the 
cipher of the Washington state department, as was 
the dispatch to which it was supposed to be a reply. 
The exchange of messages came about in this way : 
Despite the fact that Pekin had been practically 
isolated since June 14, the Chinese diplomatic 
representatives at Washington and European capi- 
tals continued to receive through runners what pur- 
ported to be edicts from the emperor and other official 
communications from Pekin. If this could be done, 
Secretary Hay argued, why could not the Chinese 
government get through a message from Minister 
Conger. So a dispatch in cipher was sent to Mr. 
Conger through Wu Ting Fang, Chinese minister 
at Washington, and the one just quoted, signed by 
Mr. Conger, was received a few days later in reply. 
The chief reason for the credence given by Secre- 
tary Hay to the reply was that it was an answer in 
code to a code dispatch. In European capitals the 
intimation was thrown out that the Chinese govern- 
ment had sent an old message from Mr, Conger 
which it had previously intercepted. 

Sir Claude MacDonald, British minister at Pekin, 
sent a letter dated July 4, which was received by 
the British consul at Tientsin and forwarded to 
London. It stated that the diplomats were assem- 
bled in the British legation, where there was then 
food enough to last a fortnight, but the garrison 
was unequal to the task of holding out against a 
determined attack for that length of time. There 



THE CEISIS IN DETAIL. 29 

had been 44 deaths and about double that number 
of wounded in the legation. An appeal was made 
for relief. 

Sir Robert Hart, an Englishman who is the 
director of Chinese maritime customs, sent the fol- 
lowing message from Pekin July 5, which was 
received by his wife in London : 

''Our people, including the women, are in the legations, 
Prepare to hear the worst. ^' 

In addition to these, the Chinese diplomatic 
representatives in this and European countries 
have made public what purports to be an imperial 
edict issued from Pekin July 18 giving the assur- 
ance that all the ministers at that capital, except 
Baron Von Ketteler, were safe on that day. 

An important cablegram from Li Kui Yi, vice- 
roy of Nankin and one of the great officials of the 
Chinese government, was sent to Minister Wu 
Ting Fang. It was dated at Nankin July 21 and 
said : 

" According to edict of 22d of this moon [July 18], with 
the exception of the German Minister who was killed by 
anarchists, with regard to which rigorous measures are being 
taken to investigate and punish the guilty parties, all the 
other Ministers, for whom strenuous efforts are being made 
for their protection, are fortunately unharmed.'' 

It has become plainly evident that whatever be 
their fate, the foreigners have not been without 
influential friends in Pekin. Among the chief of 



30 THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 

these was Prince Chin^, who until recently was 
president of the Tsuug-li-yamen, from which 
position he was deposed by Prince Tuan as not 
being sufficiently anti-foreign in his purposes. 
Prince Ching rallied the Chinese troops who re- 
mained faithful and undertook the task of pro- 
visioning and defending the foreigners shut up in 
the British legation. With what success his efforts 
have met the future must tell. 

The isolation of Pekin and the threatening situation 
at Tientsin had opened the eyes of the powers as to 
the formidable task before them. It was seen that 
the Chinese were no longer the mediaeval soldiers 
who had faced Japan in the war of 1894. They had 
learned, to some extent, at least, the art of war as 
practiced by the hated '^ foreign devils '^ and, moi:'e 
than all else, had obtained large supplies of modern 
arms and munitions. Their cannon were served by 
men who knew how to aim and shoot and they had 
become trained to the use of the rapid-fire guns of 
the Maxim and Hotchkiss types. All the powers 
interested prepared to rush troops and ships to 
China. A fleet of 45 war vessels soon assembled 
on the coast within reach of Taku and transports 
laden with troops began to arrive. 

The United States Government, at first averse to 
landing any armed force on Chinese soil, was stirred 
to energetic action by the peril of the Americans in 
Pekin and Tientsin. We have already seen how 
the cruiser Newark and the gunboat Monocacy, 



THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 3l 

under command of Rear-Admiral Kempff, were 
at first the only American naval representatives at 
Taku. To these were added successively the gun- 
boats Helena, Princeton, Yorktown, Marietta and 
Nashville, the armored cruiser Brooklyn and 
several colliers and supply ships. The monitor 
Monterey, the cruiser Don Juan de Austria and 
the gunboat Castine were maintained at Chinese 
ports within call of Taku. The battle-ship Oregon 
was ordered from Hong Kong to Taku but 
grounded 50 miles north of Chefu and had to be 
sent to Japan for repairs. Rear-Ad miral George 
C. Remey, commander of the United States naval 
forces on the Asiatic station^ went from Manila on 
the Brooklyn and took command of the American 
fleet at Taku, superseding Rear- Admiral Kempff. 

Besides these warships the United States has 
about 7000 troops either in China or on the way. 
The first regiment dispatched was the Ninth Infan- 
try, which went from Manila to Chefu, sailing 
June 27 and landing July 8. The Fourth, Four- 
teenth and Twentieth regiments of infantry were 
ordered from the Philippines to China later and 
the Sixth Cavalry left San Francisco for the same 
destination. On June 26 Gen. Adna R. Chaffee, 
whe had won fame as an Indian fighter and also at 
Santiago, was appointed to the command of the 
United States military forces in China. He sailed 
from San Francisco July 1 and arrived at Nagasaki, 
Japan, July 24 on his way to Taku. Preparations 



S2 THE CEISIS IN DETAIL. 

were also made to send 4000 marines, making 11000 
men altogether for land operations. 

There was soon plenty of work for the Ninth 
Infantry, the first American regiment on the 
scene. Landing at Chefu, it proceeded as soon as 
possible to the scene of trouble at Tientsin. That 
city had been intermittently bombarded ever since 
the rescue of Admiral Seymour's ill-starred force, 
June 26. Tientsin is divided into two parts — the 
native city, containing about a million inhabitants, 
and the foreign city, or settlement, separated from the 
native section and containing about fifteen hundred 
inhabitants. In the foreign city the consulates and 
other pretentious buildings are situated. The 
Chinese constructed intrenchments from which they 
bombarded the foreigners and also harassed them 
with rifle fire. By July 1, there were 15,000 
foreign troops in Tientsin and the investing force of 
Chinese was estimated at from 50,000 to 75,000. 
Hot fighting occurred July 3 and 4. A Russian 
company of infantry was nearly wiped out, losing 
115 out of 120 men engaged. The British and Ger- 
mans also lost heavily. When the Ninth Infantry 
arrived its services were badly needed. The foreign 
troops had all they could do to hold their own and 
the Chinese were receiving constant accessions. 

Bloody fighting was of daily occurrence until 
July 13, by which time considerable reinforce- 
ments were on the scene and the allies felt 
bold enough to undertake aggressive measures. 






IS 

o 

s 

00 




THE CEISIS IN DETAIL. 33 

They left a force strong enough to defend the 
foreign city and made a counter move by attack- 
ing the native city. On July 13 the foreign 
storming party moved to the attack. At first the 
troops met a severe check, the Chinese pouring 
upon them a deadly fire from machine guns, rifles 
and cannon. But the next day the attack Avas 
pressed home and the native city fell into the hands 
of the allies who, however, had paid a terrible price 
for their success. Their total killed and wounded 
numbered nearly 1000 men, including 23 Americans 
killed and 99 wounded. Col. Emerson H. Liscum, 
commander of the Ninth Infantry, was among the 
killed. The heaviest loss among the allies was 
sustained by the Russians and Japanese. It is 
estimated that 3000 Chinese were killed in the 
battle. Sixty-two of their cannon were captured. 
The Chinese retreated to a point nearer Pekin. 

The complete possession of Tientsin was a marked 
success for the allies, as it gave them a base from 
which to move on Pekin. They realized, however, 
that to advance on the capital would require about 
100,000 men, or at least 75,000, and there is at this 
writing a temporary halt at Tientsin until a force 
of sufficient size can be collected. The European 
powers realized that the long delay which must ensue 
before they could send large forces to the scene would 
perhaps prevent the moving of the relief expedition 
until too late to be of help to the foreigners in 
Pekin. They, therefore, at the initiative of Eng- 
3 



34 THE CBISIS IN DETAIL. 

land, authorized Japan, as being nearest the scene 
of action, to send a large force of troops, Japan 
agreeing not to use these troops to gain territorial 
advantage for herself. She is preparing to send 
60,000 men, who will raise the combined force of 
the allies up to about 100,000. 

Thus, as we leave the actual developments of the 
crisis at the scene of its principal violence, we 
find Pekin isolated and the foreigners there sub- 
jected to an awful ordeal, which may end, or 
has ended, in the slaughter of large numbers of 
them. The allies are in possession of Taku and 
Tientsin, halting their troops at the latter place to 
await reinforcements for the march on Pekin to 
rescue the foreigners. Practically all the mission- 
aries have fled to the coast cities, where they are 
receiving protection. The Boxers are confining 
their operations to north China, the southern 
provinces not having openly broken into rebellion. 
And the thousands of native Christians who have 
given up the religion of their fathers for that of the 
man of Nazareth — who can tell ? 

A digression was caused by conflicts between the 
Chinese and the Russians in Manchuria and upon 
the Siberian frontier. The Chinese attacked Blago- 
vestchensk, on the north or Russian bank of the 
Amur river, which separates Manchuria from 
Siberia. They also fell upon some of the Russian 
garrisons in Manchuria. The Russians drove the 
Chinese out of Blagovestchensk, and attacked them 



THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 35 

at several towns in Manchuria^ adopting a vigorous 
military policy which left no doubt that the Czar 
did not intend to lose a single point of vantage from 
the operations of the Boxers. The St. Petersburg 
government proclaimed a state of siege all along 
the immense stretch of Russo-Chinese frontier^ and 
called out troops in great numbers. 

/The policy of the United States in the present 
crisis has been clearly laid down by President 
McKinley and Secretary Hay. Minister Conger 
and the military and naval commanders were di- 
rected to proceed with energy in the protection of 
American lives and property, but were warned not 
to be a party to any alliance or combination of 
powers. The United States was willing for its land 
and sea forces to act concurrently with those of the 
European powers in steps for the urgent relief of 
the Americans and other foreigners at Pekiu, but 
was not to be bound by any compact. 

A circular note to the powers was drawn up by 
Secretary Hay June 30, and after its approval by 
President McKinley, was communicated through the 
medium of the United States ambassadors and min- 
inisters to the governments for whom it was des- 
tined. It was as follows : 

"In this critical posture of affairs in China it is deemed 
appropriate to define the attitude of the United States as far 
as present circumstances permit this to be done. We adhere 
to the policy initiated by us in 1857, of peace with the Chinese 
nation, of furtherance of lawful commerce and of protection 



36 THE CKISIS IN DETAIL. 

of lives and property of our citizens by all means guaranteed 
under extraterritorial treaty rights and by the law of nations. 
If wrong be done to our citizens we propose to hold the 
responsible authors to the uttermost accountability. We re- 
gard the condition at Pekin as one of virtual anarchy, whereby 
power and responsibility are practically devolved upon the 
local provincial authorities. So long as they are not in overt 
collusion with rebellion and use their power to protect foreign 
life and property we regard them as representing the Chinese 
people, with whom we seek to remain in peace and friendship. 
( The purpose of the President is^ as it has been heretofore, to 
act concurrently with the other powers, first, in opening up 
communication with Pekin and rescuing the American officials, 
missionaries and other Americans who are in danger ; secondly, 
in affording all possible protection everywhere in China to 
American life and property ; thirdly, in guarding and protect- 
ing all legitimate American interests, and fourthly, in aiding 
to prevent a spread of the disorders to the other provinces of 
the Empire and a recurrence of such disasters. It is, of course, 
too early to forecast the means of attaining this last result, but 
the policy of the Government of the United States is to seek 
a solution which may bring about permanent safety and peace 
to China, preserve Chinese territorial and administrative 
entity, protect all rights guaranteed to friendly powers by 
treaty and international law and safeguard for the world the 
principle of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the 
Chinese Empire. You will communicate the purport of this 
instruction to the Minister for Foreign Affairs.' ' 

All the powers have signified their assent to the 
American policy as thus laid down. So for the 
moment the spectacle is presented of unity for main- 
taining the integrity of the Chinese empire, but this 
situation may change at any time, for Russia, 
England, France, Germany, Italy, and Japan all 
seek a share in the division of the empire if it takes 



THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 37 

place. They are content for the present to see that 
no one of them gains any advantage over the others, 
realizing that seizure of Chinese territory for pur- 
poses of permanent occupation probably involves a 
world-war of appalling magnitude. Only a spark 
is required to start this war, and the peoples of the 
world may well pray that it be averted. 

i The position of the Chinese government in 
regard to the grave events of the last few months 
was set forth in an imperial decree promulgated 
under date of June 29. This was presented to the 
powers by the Chinese Ambassadors. It was as 
follows :1 

"The circumstances which led to the commencement of 
fighting between Chinese and foreigners were of such a com- 
plex, confusing and unfortunate character as to be entirely 
unexpected. Our diplomatic representatives abroad, owing to 
their distance from the scene of action, have had no means of 
knowing the true state of things and accordingly cannot lay 
the views of the government before the ministers for foreign 
affairs of the respective powers to which they are accredited. 
Now we take this opportunity of going fully into the matter 
for the information of our representatives aforesaid. 

" In the first place there arose in the provinces of Pechili 
and Shantung a kind of rebellious subjects who had been in 
the habit of practising boxing and fencing in their respective 
villages and at the same tin^e clothing their doings with spir- 
itualistic and strange rites. The local authorities failed to 
take due notice of them at the time. Accordingly the infection 
spread with astonishing rapidity. Within the space of a 
month it seemed to make its appearance everywhere and 
finally even reached the capital itself. Everyone looked 
upon the movement as supernatural and strange and many 



38 THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 

joined it. Then there were lawless and treacherous persons 
who sounded the cry of ' down with Christianity.' 

*'* These persons began to create disturbances without warn- 
ing. Churches were burnt and converts were killed. The 
whose city was in a ferment. A situation was created which 
could not be brought under control. At first the foreign powers 
requested that foreign troops be allowed to enter the capital for 
the protection of the legations. The Imperial Government, 
having in view the comparative urgency of the occasion, granted 
the request as an extraordinary mark of courtesy beyond the 
requirements of international intercourse. 

" Over 500 foreign troops were sent to Pekin. This shows 
clearly how much care China exercises in the maintenance of 
friendly relations with other countries. The legations at the 
capital never had much to do with the people. But from the 
time foreign troops entered the city the guards did not devote 
themselves exclusively to the protection of their respective lega- 
tions. They sometimes fired their guns on top of the city walls 
and sometimes patrolled the streets everywhere. There were 
repeated reports of persons being hit by stray bullets. They 
strolled about the cUy without restraint, and even attempted to 
enter the Tung Hua gate (the eastern gate of the palace 
grounds). They only desisted when admittance was positively 
forbidden. 

"On this account both the soldiers and the people were pro- 
voked to resentment and voiced their indignation with one 
accord. Lawless persons then took advantage of the situation 
to do mischief and became bolder than ever in burning and 
killing Christian converts. The powers thereupon attempted 
to reinforce the foreign troops in Pekin, but the reinforcements 
encountered resistance and defeat at the hands of the insurgents 
on the way, and have not yet been able to proceed. The in- 
surgents of the two provinces of Pechili and Shantung had by 
this time eflfected a complete union and could not be sepa- 
rated. 

"The Imperial Government was by no means reluctant to 
issue orders for the entire suppression of this insurgent ele- 



THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 39 

ment. But as the trouble was so near at hand, there was a 
great fear that due protection might not be assured to the lega- 
tions if the anarchists should be driven to extremities, thus 
bringing on a national calamity. There also was a fear that 
uprisings might occur in the provinces of Pechili and Shan- 
tung at the same time, with the result that both foreign mis- 
sionaries and Chinese converts in the two provinces might fall 
victims to popular fury. It was, therefore, absolutely neces- 
sary to consider the matter from every point of view. 

"As a measure of precaution it was finally decided to request 
the foreign ministers to retire temporarily to Tientsin for 
safety. It was while the discussion of this proposition was in 
progress that the German Minister, Baron von Ketteler, was 
assassinated by a riotous mob one morning while on his way to 
the Tsung li Yamen. On the previous day the German Min- 
ister had written a letter appointing a time for calling at the 
Tsung li Yamen. But the office fearing he might be molested 
on the way did not consent to the appointment as suggested by 
the Minister. 

"Since this occurrence the anarchists assumed a more bold 
and threatening attitude and consequently it was not deemed 
wise to carry out the project of sending the diplomatic corps 
to Tientsin under an escort. However, orders were issued to 
the troops detailed for the protection of the legations to keep 
stricter watch and take greater precaution against any emer- 
gency. To our surprise, on June 16, foreign naval officers at 
Taku called upon Lo Jung Kuang, the general commanding, 
and demanded his surrender of the forts, notifying him that 
failing to receive compliance they would at 2 o^ clock the next 
day take steps to seize the forts by force. Lo Jung Kuang 
being bound by the duties of his office to hold the forts, how 
could he yield to the demand ? 

" On the day named they actually first fired upon the forts, 
which responded and kept up a fighting all day and then 
surrendered. Thus the conflict of forces began, but certainly 
the initiative did not come from our side. Even supposing 
that China were not conscious of her true condition how could 



40 THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 

she take such a step as to engage in war with all the powers 
simultaneously, and how could she, relying upon the support 
of an anarchistic populace, go into war with the powers ? Our 
position in this emergency ought to be clearly understood by 
all the powers. The above is a statement of the wrongs we 
have suffered and how China was driven to the unfortunate 
position from which she could not escape. 

"Our several Ministers will make known accurately and in 
detail the contents of this decree and the policy of China to 
the Ministers of Foreign Affairs in their respective countries, 
and assure them that military authorities are still strictly 
enjoined to afford protection to the legations as hitherto to the 
utmost of their power. As for the anarchists, they will be 
severely dealt with as circumstances permit. The several 
Ministers will continue in the discharge of the duties of their 
office as hitherto without hesitation or doubt.'' 

[The Chinese ministers to Washington and several 
European capitals have appealed in the name of 
the emperor for mediation to end the crisis. The 
emperor's letter to President McKinley on this 
subject was as follows : \ 

" The Emperor of China to his Excellency the President of the 
United States : — China has long maintained friendly relations 
with the United States and is deeply conscious that the object 
of the United States is international commerce. Neither 
country entertains the least suspicion or distrust toward the 
other. Recent outbreaks of mutual antipathy between the 
people and Christian missions caused the foreign powers to 
view with suspicion the position of the Imperial Government 
as favorable to the people and prejudicial to the missions, with 
the result that the Taku forts were attacked and captured. 
Consequently there has been clashing of forces with calamitous 
consequences. The situation has become more and more 
serious and critical. 



THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 41 

"We have just received a telegraphic memorial from our 
Envoy Wu Ting Fang, and it is highly gratifying to us to learn 
that the United States Government, having in view the friendly 
relations between the two countries, has taken a deep interest 
in the present situation. Now China, driven by the irresistible 
course of events, has unfortunately incurred well-nigh universal 
indignation. For settling the present difficulty China places 
special reliance in the United States. We address this message 
to your Excellency in all sincerity and candidness, with the 
hope that your Excellency will devise measures and take the 
initiative in bringing about a concert of the powers for the 
restoration of order and peace. The favor of a kind reply is 
earnestly requested and awaited with the greatest anxiety. 

" Kuang Hsu, 26th year, 6th moon, 23d day.'^ 

[July 19, 1900.] 

President McKinley made the following answer 
to the emperor : 

" I have received your Majesty's message of the 19th of July 
and am glad to know that your Majesty recognizes the fact that 
the Government and people of the United States desire of China 
nothing but what is just and equitable. The purpose for which 
we landed troops in China was the rescue of our legation from 
grave danger and the protection of the lives and property of 
Americans who were sojourning in China in the enjoyment of 
rights guaranteed them by treaty and by international law. 
The same purposes are publicly declared by all the powers 
which have landed military forces in your Majesty's Empire. 

" I am to infer from your Majesty's letter that the malefactors 
who have disturbed the peace of China, who have murdered 
the Minister of Germany and a member of the Japanese lega- 
tion, and who now hold besieged in Pekin those foreign diplo- 
matists who still survive, have not only not received any favor 
or encouragement from your Majesty, but are actually in rebel- 
lion against the imperial authority. If this be the case I most 
solemnly urge upon your Majesty's Government to give public 



42 THE CRISIS IN DETAIL. 

assurance whether the foreign Ministers are alive, and, if so, 
in what condition ; to put the diplomatic representatives of the 
powers in immediate and free communication with their re- 
spective governments and to remove all danger to their lives 
and liberty; to place the imperial authorities of China in com- 
munication with the relief expedition so that co-operation may 
be secured between them for the liberation of the legations, the 
protection of foreigners and the restoration of order. 

"If these objects are accomplished it is the belief of this 
Government that no obstacles will be found to exist on the part 
of the powers to an amicable settlement of all the questions 
arising out of the recent troubles, and the friendly good offices 
of this Government will, with the assent of the other powers, 
be cheerfully placed at your Majesty's disposition for that 

purpose. 

William McKinley." 

As a further outcome of the crisis, the United 
States Government appointed Mr. W. W. Rockhill, 
director of the Bureau of American Republics, to 
go to China, in the capacity of special commissioner 
from this country to investigate the situation. 

Thus at the present date (July 26) the machinery 
of diplomacy as well as war is fully in motion. The 
development to which all are looking forward is 
the relief of Pekin. The Chinese government itself 
may raise the city's isolation by asserting itself over 
the lawless elements and restoring free communica- 
tion. This would be far better for the peace of the 
world than waiting for the allies to force their way, 
which they evidently intend to do if necessary. 



CHAPTER III. 
Inteeests of the United States in China. 

THE interests of the United States in China, 
aside from the protection of our citizens — a 
duty incumbent in all countries — must be calculated 
exclusively in dollars and cents. We have no ter- 
ritorial rights there, except for a faint approach to 
them in the form of a share in the foreign settlement 
at Shanghai. Some persons, looking at the question 
on what are called ^^ broad grounds,^^ regard the 
acquisition of the Philippines by the treaty of Paris 
as a step looking ultimately more to advantages in 
China than in the Philippines themselves. This 
act made the American flag a near neighbor of 
China. From Manila to Hong Kong and Shanghai 
is a voyage of but a few days, and the great city 
which is the capital of the Philippines may in that 
sense be regarded as a '^ stepping stone to China." 
Even omitting the Philippines from consideration 
the United States is a nearer neighbor of China 
than any European power except Russia, whose 
possessions touch every inch of her long northern 
boundary. The breadth of the Pacific, it is true, 
is a considerable separation between the house of 
one neighbor and that of another. But the voyage 

43 



44 INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 

from Seattle or San Francisco to China is made in 
a little over two weeks by an almost direct route, 
while, except for Russia, Europe must resort to the 
long and tortuous passage by way of the Mediter- 
ranean sea and the Suez canal, and then double half 
way around Asia to reach the stopping place. The 
effect of this comparative nearness to China has been 
to put it in Americans power to gain a preponder- 
ance of the empire's trade. Herein lies the import- 
ance to this country of the " open door,'^ which we 
will consider further on. 

In the more exalted relation of international 
comity the United States has played a part in 
China which reflects distinguished credit. Up to this 
time, at least, this country has pursued a consistent 
policy of fairness, justice and disinterestedness 
toward the much-persecuted empire. She has been 
the friend who had no axes to grind, who would 
not be drawn into bullying China out of the inher- 
ent rights of the people to the country which has 
been the land of their ancestors from the remote 
past. Li Hung Chang, the greatest of China's 
statesmen, has often said that the United States, 
alone of the world's great powers, was to be trusted 
by China as an honorable friend, not seeking to 
disturb her independence or integrity and concerned 
in the rights of trade only in a legitimate way. 
Within the last month Li Hung Chang has 
expressed this same sentiment. When the war 
between China and Japan broke out in 1894, the 



INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 45 

United States oflFered friendly mediation and strove 
to avert the conflict without interfering in any way 
with the rights of either combatant. During the 
continuance of that struggle the United States minis- 
ter and consuls in Japan represented China^s inter- 
ests and those in China, performed a like service 
for Japan. 

We now come to consider more in detail the 
interests of the United States in China from the 
dollar and cent point of view. In recent years 
imports of American goods into China have gained 
more rapidly than those of any other country. We 
bid fair in this respect to outstrip the world. The 
oft-quoted doctrine that "trade follows the flag^^ 
here receives a rude blow. Without owning a foot 
of territory in China, and with no further concession 
than the "open door^^ to our commerce we may 
draw the prize of Chinese trade for which Europe 
has been so eagerly grasping. 

At this time the precedence of the countries 
trading with China, in their respective shares of 
her commerce, is as follows : (1) England and her 
colonies, (2) Japan, (3) The United States, (4) 
Russia, (5) Germany, (6) France, (7) Belgium, (8) 
Austria, (9) Switzerland. Nearly all the American 
trade is carried on under the flags of other nations 
which build and own ocean-carrying ships more ex- 
tensively. The latest United States consular reports 
show the value of trade with China by the countries 
of the world in 1899, to have been as follows : 



46 



INTEEEST OF THE UNITED STATES, 



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o 



INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 47 

In four years the United States has doubled its 
sales to China and Great Britain^s fell off about 
$3,000^000. Last year the cotton goods trade rep- 
resented more than half the entire exports of this 
country to China, which bought more than half 
our total sales of cotton cloths to the world. These 
are striking figures and show what the trade of that 
empire means to the United States. This trade is 
much more important even than statistics show. 
Consul Fowler, the energetic representative of the 
United States at Chefoo, holds to the opinion that 
American commerce with China is underestimated 
by at least one-third. 

The recent subjection of North China to Russian 
influence has been of vast commercial benefit to the 
United States. Russia cannot produce the manu- 
factured articles which she needs for the develop- 
ment of that immense territory and she buys almost 
exclusively from the United States, Her great 
Siberian railroad and its branches are being con- 
structed of American material and the traffic over 
the completed parts of it is done by American 
locomotives and cars. 

The leading articles of American export to China 
are cotton goods and petroleum ; the leading staples 
which China sends to us are tea and silk. She also 
sends great quantities of hemp, hides, leather, mat- 
tings, oils and feathers. Four-fifths of the principal 
manufactured articles of this country are represented 
in the trade to China, 



48 INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Before passing to the subject of the "open door^^ 
let us consider an incident in our national career 
which tends to tie our hands, in a moral sense, in 
any effort to force Americans or American innova- 
tions on China. This is the Chinese exclusion law 
enacted by the United States Congress and having 
the practical effect of shutting out from this country 
all Chinese immigrants. Its justification, of course, 
is found in the right of the American people to pro- 
tect themselves from race admixture and also in the 
fact that repeated outbreaks of lawlessness directed 
against Chinese immigrants occurred on the Pacific 
coast previous to the passage of the law. In these 
outbreaks we have a parallel to the Boxer agitation, 
from which they differed not in principle, but in 
degree only. And if we assume the right to pro- 
tect ourselves from the influx of another race, surely 
the Chinese can claim the same right. The ques- 
tion may be asked if any country in the Western 
world would submit to a wave of Chinese aggres- 
sion involving the overthrow of the Christian 
religion and the political domination of the Orien- 
tals. We do not have to stretch the imagination 
far to conjure up bloody wars that would result in 
a decisive overthrow of the aliens. Indeed, a 
parallel can be found in the strenuous resistance of 
Europe to the Moorish tide in the Middle Ages. 

The following recent table shows the number of 
foreigners and foreign business firms in China as 
registered at the consulates of the 33 treaty ports : 



INTEEEST OF THE UNITED STATES. 



49 







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bo INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 

We now come to a consideration of the "open 
door/^ Whatever may be the exact meaning of the 
promises made on this subject, the negotiations were 
of the first importance to this country and to the 
world. They represent the present extent of Amer- 
ican material interest in China — trade alone — and 
show the view of the Washington government as to 
the steps to be taken to preserve it. Apparently 
the United States, though opposed to a partition of 
China, realizes that it may come at some day and, 
while not wanting to acquire territorial rights there, 
insists that each nation which does so shall grant 
the following requests : 

First. That it will in no way interfere with any 
treaty port or vested interest within any so-called 
" sphere of interest ^^ or leased territory it may have 
in China. 

Second. That the Chinese treaty tariff of the 
time being shall apply to all merchandise landed or 
shipped to all ports which are within such " sphere 
of interest ^^ (unless they be free ports), no matter 
to what nationality it may belong, and that duties 
so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese Gov- 
ernment. 

Third. That it will levy no higher harbor dues 
on vessels of another nationality frequenting any 
port in such " sphere ^^ than shall be levied on ves- 
sels of its own nationality, and no higher railroad 
charges over lines built, controlled, or operated 



MTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 51 

within its ^^ sphere ^^ on merchandise belonging to 
citizens or subjects of other nationalities transported 
through such '' sphere ^^ than shall be levied on 
similar merchandise belonging to its own nationals 
transported over equal distances. 

The governments addressed were those of Great 
Britain, Russia, France, Germany, Italy, and Japan. 
The United States officially takes the view that their 
replies agreed to the three propositions laid down, 
and apparently it will insist that they shall be car- 
ried out. Some have declared that the replies of 
Great Britain and Russia, while cordial in tone, do 
not amount to a binding promise, and that those 
governments may one day construe the phraseology 
to suit themselves. 

The correspondence extended from September 6, 
1899, to March 20, 1900, the last date marking the 
completion of the undertaking. 

On September 6, the State Department addressed 
to the United States Ambassadors at London, Ber- 
lin and St. Petersburg, copies of a formal declaration 
setting out the desires of this Government in reference 
to the '^ open door.^^ Italy and Japan were similarly 
addressed about a month later. While the '' formal 
declaration ^^ sent to the Ambassadors was similar in 
each case, and requested agreement by the respective 
governments to the three propositions laid down, 
yet, each of the Ambassadors adopted a different 
phraseology in addressing himself to the Government 
to which he was accredited. 



52 INTEEEST OF THE UNITED STATES. 

The full text of the correspondence^ as far as it 
has been officially made public^ is here appended 
and the reader can judge for himself the meaning 
of the reply sent by each nation : 

GREAT BRITAIN. 

Ambassador Choate to Lord Salisbury, 

Embassy of the United States, 

LondoUy September 22, 1899. 

My Lord: I am instructed by the Secretary of State to 
present to your lordship a matter which the President regards 
as of great and equal importance to Great Britain and the 
United States — in the maintenance of trade and commerce in 
the East, in which the interest of the two nations differs, not 
in character, but in degree only — and to ask for action on the 
part of Her Majesty's Government which the President con- 
ceives to be in exact accord with its uniformly declared policy 
and traditions, and which will greatly promote the welfare of 
commerce. 

He understands it to be the settled policy and purpose of 
Great Britain not to use any privileges which may be granted 
to it in China as a means of excluding any commercial rivals, 
and that freedom of trade for it in that Empire means freedom 
of trade for all the world alike. Her Majesty's Government, 
while conceding by formal agreements with Germany and 
Russia the possession of "spheres of influence or interest" in 
China, in which they are to enjoy especial rights and privi- 
leges, particularly in respect to railroads and mining enter- 
prises, has at the same time sought to maintain what is 
commonly called the ^'open-door" policy, to secure to the 
commerce and navigation of all nations equality of treatment 
within such "spheres." The maintenance of this policy is 
alike urgently demanded by the commercial communities of 



INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 5S 

our two nations, as it is justly held by them to be the only one 
which will improve existing conditions, enable them to main- 
tain their positions in the markets of China, and extend their 
future operations. 

While the Government of the United States will in no way 
commit itself to any recognition of the exclusive rights of any 
power within or control over any portion of the Chinese 
Empire, under such agreements as have been recently made, 
it can not conceal its apprehensions that there is danger of 
complications arising between the treaty powers which may 
imperil the rights insured to the United States by its treaties 
with China. 

It is the sincere desire of my Government that the interests 
of its citizens may not be prejudiced through exclusive treat- 
ment by any of the controling powers within their respective 
"spheres of interests" in China, and it hopes to retain there 
an open market for all the world^s commerce, remove danger- 
ous sources of international irritation, and thereby hasten 
united action of the powers at Pekin to promote administrative 
reforms so greatly needed for strengthening the Imperial 
Government and maintaining the integrity of China, in which 
it believes the whole Western World is alike concerned. It 
believes that such a result may be greatly aided and advanced 
by declarations by the various powers claiming *' spheres of 
interest " in China as to their intentions in regard to the treat- 
ment of foreign trade and commerce therein, and that the 
present is a very favorable moment for informing Her Majesty's 
Government of the desire of the United States to have it make 
on its own part and to lend its powerful support in the effort 
to obtain from each of the various powers claiming " spheres 
of interest" in China a declaration substantially to the follow- 
ing effect : 

(1) That it will in no wise interfere with any treaty port or 
any vested interest within any so-called " sphere of interest " 
or leased territory it may have in China. 

(2) That the Chinese treaty tariff of the time being shall 
apply to all merchandise landed or shipped to all such ports 



54 INTEKEST OF THE UNITED STATES. 

as are within such "sphere of interest" (unless they be "free 
ports ''), no matter to what nationality it may belong, and that 
duty so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese Government. 

(3) That it will levy no higher harbor dues on vessels of 
another nationality frequenting any port in such "sphere" 
than shall be levied on vessels of its own nationality and no 
higher railroad charges over lines built, controlled, or operated 
within its "sphere" on merchandise belonging to citizens 
or subjects of other nationalities transported through such 
"sphere" than shall be levied on similar merchandise belong- 
ing to its own nationals transported over equal distances. 

The President has strong reason to believe that the Govern- 
ments of both Eussia and Germany will cooperate in such an 
understanding as is here proposed. The recent ukase of His 
Majesty the Emperor of Russia declaring the port of Talien- 
wan open to the merchant ships of all nations during the whole 
term of the lease under which it is to be held by Russia 
removes all uncertainty as to the liberal and conciliatory policy 
of that power and justifies the expectation that His Majesty 
would accede to the similar request of the United States now 
being presented to him and make the desired declaration. 

The recent action of Germany in declaring the port of 
Kiaochau a "free port," and the aid which its Government 
has given China in establishing there a Chinese custom-house, 
coupled with oral assurances given the United States by 
Germany that the interests of the United States and its 
citizens within its "sphere" would in nowise be affected by 
its occupation of this portion of the province of Shantung, 
encourage the belief that little opposition is to be anticipated 
to the President's request for a similar declaration from that 
power. 

It is needless, also, to add that Japan, the power next most 
largely interested in the trade of China, must be in entire 
sympathy with the views here expressed, and that its interests 
will be largely served by the proposed arrangement ; and the 
declarations of its statesmen within the last year are so entirely 
in line with it that the cooperation of that power is confidently 
relied upon. 



INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 55 

It is, therefore, with the greatest pleasure tliat I present this 
matter to your lordship's attention and urge its prompt con- 
sideration by Her Majesty's Government, believing that the 
action is in entire harmony with its consistent theory and 
purpose, and that it will greatly redound to the benefit and 
advantage of all commercial nations alike. The prompt and 
sympathetic cooperation of Her Majesty's Government with 
the United States in this important matter will be very potent 
in promoting its adoption by all the powers concerned. 

I have, etc., 

Joseph H. Choate. 



Lord Salisbury to Ambassador Choate. 

Foreign Office, 
London^ September 29, 1899. 

Youn Excellency: I have read with great interest the 
communication which you handed to me on the 22d instant, in 
which you inform me of the desire of the United States Gov- 
ernment to obtain from the various powers claiming spheres of 
interest in China declarations as to their intentions in regard to 
the treatment of foreign trade and commerce therein. 

I have the honor to inform your excellency that I will lose 
no time in consulting my colleagues in regard to a declaration 
by Her Majesty's Government and on the proposal that they 
should co-operate with the Government of the United States in 
obtaining similar declarations by the other powers concerned. 

In the meantime, I may assure your excellency that the pol- 
icy consistently advocated by this country is one of securing 
equal opportunity for the subjects and citizens of all nations in 
regard to commercial enterprise in China, and from this policy 
Her Majesty's Government have no intention or desire to 
depart. 

I have, etc., 

Salisbury. 



56 INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 



Lord Salisbury to Ambassador Ohoate. 

Foreign Office, 
London^ November 30, 1899. 

Your Excellency ; With reference to my note of Septem- 
ber 29 last, I have the honor to state that I have carefully con- 
sidered, in communication with my colleagues, the proposal 
contained in your excellency's note of September 22 that a 
declaration should be made by foreign powers claiming 
"spheres of interest in China as to their intentions in regard 
to the treatment of foreign trade and interest therein. 

I have much pleasure in informing your excellency that 
Her Majesty's Government will be prepared to make a decla- 
ration in the sense desired by your Government in regard to 
the leased territory of Wei Hai Wei and all territory in China 
which may hereafter be acquired by Great Britain by lease or 
otherwise, and all spheres of interest now held or that may 
hereafter be held by her in China, provided that a similar 
declaration is made by other powers concerned. 

I have, etc., 

Salisbury. 



Ambassador Choate to Lord Salisbury. 

Embassy of the United States, 

London, December 6, 1899. 

My Lord : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
your lordship's note of November 30, in which you inform me 
that, after having carefully considered in connection with your 
colleagues, the proposals contained in my note of September 22 
last, Her Majesty's Government is prepared to make a declar- 
ation in the sense desired by my Government in regard to the 
leased territory of Wei Hai Wei and all territory in China 
which may hereafter be acquired by Great Britain by lease or 
otherwise, and all " spheres of interest " now held or which 



INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 57 

may hereafter be held by her in China, provided that a similar 
declaration is made by other powers. 

In acknowledging your lordship's note, I have also, under 
instructions from the Secretary of State, to express to your 
lordship the gratification he feels at the cordial acceptance by 
Her Britannic Majesty's Government of the proposals of the 
United States. 

I have, etc., 

Joseph H. Choate. 



RUSSIA. 

Secretary Hay to Ambassador Tower, 

Department of State, 
Washingtoriy September 6, 1899. 

Sir : In 1898, when His Imperial Majesty had, through his 
diplomatic representative at this capital, notified this Gov- 
ernment that Eussia had leased from His Imperial Chinese 
Majesty the ports of Port Arthur, Talienwan, and the adjacent 
territory in the Liao-tung Peninsula in northeastern China for 
a period of twenty -five years, your predecessor received cate- 
gorical assurances from the imperial minister for foreign afiairs 
that American interests in that part of the Chinese Empire 
would in no way be afiected thereby, neither was it the desire 
of Eussia to interfere with the trade of other nations, and that 
our citizens would continue to enjoy within said leased territory 
all the rights and privileges guaranteed them under existing 
treaties with China. Assurances of a similar purport were 
conveyed to me by the Emperor's ambassador at this capital ; 
while fresh proof of this is afforded by the imperial ukase of 

August 11 ^^^*' creating the free port of Ualny, near Talienwan, 
and establishing free trade for the adjacent territory. 

However gratifying and reassuring such assurances may be 
in regard to the territory actually occupied and administered, 



68 INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 

it can not but be admitted that a further, clearer, and more 
formal definition of the conditions which are henceforth to 
hold within the so-called Russian "sphere of interest^' in 
China as regards the commercial rights therein of our citizens 
is much desired by the business world of the United States, 
inasmuch as such a declaration would relieve it from the 
apprehensions which have exercised a disturbing influence 
during the last four years on its operations in China. 

The present moment seems particularly opportune for ascer- 
taining whether His Imperial Russian Majesty would not be 
disposed to give permanent form to the assurances heretofore 
given to this Government on this subject. 

The ukase of the Emperor of August 11 of this year, declar- 
ing the port of Talienwan open to the merchant ships of all 
nations during the remainder of the lease under which it is 
held by Russia, removes the slightest uncertainty as to the 
liberal and conciliatory commercial policy His Majesty proposes 
carrying out in northeastern China, and would seem to insure 
us the sympathetic and, it is hoped, favorable consideration of 
the propositions hereinafter specified. 

The principles which this Government is particularly de- 
sirous of seeing formally declared by His Imperial Majesty and 
by all the great powers interested in China, and which will be 
eminently beneficial to the commercial interests of the whole 
world, are: 

First. The recognition that no power will in any way 
interfere with any treaty port or any vested interest within any 
leased territory or within any so-called "sphere of interest" it 
may have in China. 

Second. That the Chinese treaty tarifif of the time being 
shall apply to all merchandise landed or shipped to all such 
ports as are within said "sphere of interest" (unless they be 
"free ports"), no matter to what nationality it may belong, 
and that duties so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese 
Government. 

Third. That it will levy no higher harbor dues on vessels 
of another nationality frequenting any port in such "sphere" 



INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 59 

than shall be levied on vessels of its own nationality and no 
higher railroad charges over lines built, controlled, or operated 
within its "sphere" on roerchandise belonging to citizens or 
subjects of other nationalities transported through such 
"sphere'^ than shall be levied on similar merchandise belong- 
ing to its own nationals transported over equal distances. 

The declaration of such principles by His Imperial Majesty 
would not only be of great benefit to foreign commerce in 
China, but would powerfully tend to remove dangerous sources 
of irritation and possible conflict between the various powers ; 
it would reestablish confidence and security, and would give 
great additional weight to the concerted representations which 
the treaty powers may hereafter make to His Imperial Chinese 
Majesty in the interest of reform in Chinese administration so 
essential to the consolidation and integrity of that Empire, and 
which, it is believed, is a fundamental principle of the policy 
of His Majesty in Asia. 

Germany has declared the port of Kiaochau, which she 
holds in Shantung under a lease from China, a free port and 
has aided in the establishment there of a branch of the Imperial 
Chinese maritime customs. The Imperial German minister for 
foreign affairs has also given assurances that American trade 
would not in any way be discriminated against or interfered 
with, as there is no intention to close the leased territory to 
foreign commerce within the area which Germany claims. 
These facts lead this Government to believe that the Imperial 
German Government will lend its cooperation and give its 
acceptance to the proposition above outlined, and which our 
ambassador at Berlin is now instructed to submit to it. 

That such a declaration will be favorably considered by Great 
Britain and Japan, the two other powers most interested in the 
subject, there can be no doubt. The formal and oft-repeated 
declarations of the British and Japanese Governments in favor 
of the maintenance throughout China of freedom of trade for 
the whole world insure us, it is believed, the ready assent of 
these powers to the declaration desired. 



60 INTEEEST OF THE UNITED STATES. 

The acceptance by His Imperial Majesty of these principles 
must therefore inevitably lead to their recognition by all the 
other powers interested, and you are instructed to submit them 
to the Emperor's minister for foreign affairs and urge their 
immediate consideration. 

A copy of this instruction is sent to our ambassadors at 
London and Berlin for their confidential information, and copies 
of the instructions sent to them on this subject are inclosed 
herewith. 

I have, etc. 

John Hay. 



Count Mouravieffj Russian minister of foreign affairs, to 
Ambassador Tower. 

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 

December 18-30, 1899. 

Mr. Ambassador : I had the honor to receive Your Excel- 
lency's note dated the 8th-20th of September last, relating to 
the principles which the Government of the United States 
would like to see adopted in commercial matters by the powers 
which have interests in China. 

In so far as the territory leased by China to Kussia is con- 
cerned, the Imperial Government has already demonstrated its 
firm intention to follow the policy of ^' the open door" by creat- 
ing Dalny (Talienwan) a free port; and if at some future 
time that port, although remaining free itself, should be sepa- 
rated by a customs limit from other portions of the territory in 
question, the customs duties would be levied, in the zone sub- 
ject to the tariff', upon all foreign merchandise without distinc- 
tion as to nationality. 

As to the ports now opened or hereafter to be opened to 
foreign commerce by the Chinese Government, and which lie 
beyond the territory leased to Russia, the settlement of the 
question of customs duties belongs to China herself, and the 



INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 61 

Imperial Government has no intention whatever of claiming 
any privileges for its own subjects to the exclusion of other 
foreigners. It is to be understood, however, that this assurance 
of the Imperial Government is given upon condition that a 
similar declaration shall be made by other powers having 
interests in China. 

With the conviction that this reply is such as to satisfy the 
inquiry made in the aforementioned note, the Imperial Gov- 
ernment is happy to have complied with the wishes of the 
American Government, especially as it attaches the highest 
value to anything that may strengthen and consolidate the 
traditional relations of friendship existing between the two 
countries. 

I beg you to accept, etc. 

Count Mouravieff. 



GERMANY. 

Secretary JEay to Ambassador White. 

Department op State, 
Washington^ September 6, 1899. 

Sjdr: At the time when the Government of the United 
States was informed by that of Germany that it had leased 
from His Majesty the Emperor of China the port of Kiaochau 
and the adjacent territory in the province of Shantung, assur- 
ances were given to the ambassador of the United States 
at Berlin by the Imperial German minister for foreign affairs 
that the rights and privileges insured by treaties with China 
to citizens of the United States would not thereby suffer or be 
in anywise impaired within the area over which Germany had 
thus obtained control. 

More recently, however, the British Government recognized 
by a formal agreement with Germany the exclusive right of 



62 INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 

the latter country to enjoy in said leased area and the con- 
tiguous "sphere of influence or interest" certain privileges, 
more especially those relating to railroads and mining enter- 
prises ; but, as the exact nature and extent of the rights thus 
recognized have not been clearly defined, it is possible that 
serious conflicts of interest may at any time arise, not only 
between British and German subjects within said area, but 
that the interests of our citizens may also be jeopardized 
thereby. 

Earnestly desirous to remove any cause of irritation and to 
insure at the same time to the commerce of all nations in 
China the undoubted benefits which should accrue from a 
formal recognition by the various powers claiming " spheres of 
interest" that they shall enjoy perfect equality of treatment 
for their commerce and navigation within such " spheres," the 
Government of the United States would be pleased to see His 
German Majesty's Government give formal assurances and 
lend its cooperation in securing like assurances from the other 
interested powers that each within its respective sphere of 
whatever influence — 

First. Will in no way interfere with any treaty port or any 
vested interest within any so-called "sphere of interest" or 
leased territory it may have in China. 

Second. That the Chinese treaty tariflf of the time being 
shall apply to all merchandise landed or shipped to all such 
ports as are within said " sphere of interest " (unless they be 
"free ports"), no matter to what nationality it may belong, 
and that duties so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese 
Government. 

Third. That it will levy no higher harbor dues on vessels 
of another nationality frequenting any port in such "sphere" 
than shall be levied on vessels of its own nationality, and no 
higher railroad charges over lines built, controlled, or operated 
within its "sphere" on merchandise belonging to citizens 
or subjects of other nationalities transported through such 
"sphere" than shall be levied on similar merchandise belong- 
ing to its own nationals transported over equal distances. 



INTEREST OF THE TTNITEB STATES. 63 

The liberal policy pursued by His Imperial German Majesty 
in declaring Kiaochau a free port and in aiding the Chinese 
Government in the establishment there of a custom-house are 
so clearly in line with the proposition which this Government 
is anxious to see recognized that it entertains the strongest 
hope that Germany will give its acceptance and hearty 
support. 

The recent ukase of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia 
declaring the port of Talienwan open during the whole of the 
lease under which it is held from China, to the merchant ships 
of all nations^ coupled with the categorical assurances made to 
this Government by His Imperial Majesty's representative at 
his capital at the time, and since repeated to me by the 
present Russian ambassador, seem to insure the support of 
the Emperor to the proposed measure. Our ambassador at the 
Court of St. Petersburg has, in consequence, been instructed to 
submit it to the Russian Government and to request their early 
consideration of it. A copy of my instruction on the subject to 
Mr. Tower is herewith inclosed for your confidential informa- 
tion. 

The commercial interests of Great Britan and Japan will be 
so clearly served by the desired declaration of intentions, and 
the views of the Governments of these countries as to the 
desirability of the adoption of measures insuring the benefits 
of equality of treatment of all foreign trade throughout China 
are so similar to those entertained by the United States, that 
their acceptance of the propositions herein outlined and their 
cooperation in advocating their adoption by the other powers 
can be confidently expected. I inclose herewith copy of the 
instruction which I have sent to Mr. Choate on the subject. 

In view of the present favorable conditions, you are instructed 
to submit the above considerations to His Imperial German 
Majesty's minister for foreign afiairs, and to request his early 
consideration of the subject. 

Copy of this instruction is sent to our ambassadors at London 
and at St. Petersburg for their information. 

I have, etc., John Hay. 



64 INTEREST OF THE tJNITEt) STATES, 



Mr, Jackson, charge d'affaires at Berlin, to Secretary Hay. 

Embassy of the United States, 

Berliuy December 4, 1899. 

I have just had a conversation with the secretary of state for 
foreign affairs, who stated that the politics of Germany in 
the extreme Orient are de facto the politics of the open door, 
and Germany proposes to maintain this principle in the future. 
Germany does not wish the question to become the subject of 
controversy between the different powers engaged in China. 
She thinks it would be advantageous for the United States 
Government to confer with other European governments having 
interests in China. If the other cabinets adhere to the pro- 
posal of the United States Government Germany will raise no 
objection, and Germany is willing to have the Government of 
the United States inform these other cabinets that no difficulty 
will come from her if the other cabinets agree. 

Jackson, Charge. 



Cmint von Bulow, German minister of foreign affairs, to 
Ambassador White, 

Foreign Office, 
Berlin, February 19, 1900. 

Mr. Ambassador : Your excellency informed me, in a memo- 
randum presented on the 24th of last month, that the Govern- 
ment of the United States of America had received satisfactory 
written replies from all the powers to which an inquiry had 
been addressed similar to that contained in your excellency's 
note of September 26 last, in regard to the policy of the open 
door in China. While referring to this your excellency there- 
upon expressed the wish that the Imperial Government would 
now also give its answer in writing. 



INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 65 

Gladly complying with this wish I have the honor to inform 
your excellency, repeating the statements already made verbally, 
as follows: As recognized by the Government of the United 
States of America, according to your excellency's note referred 
to above, the Imperial Government has from the beginning not 
only asserted but also practically carried out to the fullest 
extent in its Chinese possessions absolute equality of treatment 
of all nations with regard to trade, navigation, and commerce. 
The Imperial Government entertains no thought of departing 
in the future from this principle, which at once excludes any 
prejudicial or disadvantageous commercial treatment of the 
citizens of the United States of America, so long as it is not 
forced to do so, on account of consideration of reciprocity, by 
a divergence from it by other governments. If, therefore, the 
other powe^ interested in the industrial development of the 
Chinese Empire are willing to recognize the same principles, 
this can only be desired by the Imperial Government, which 
in this case upon being requested will gladly be ready to par- 
ticipate with the United States of America and the other 
powers in an agreement made upon these lines, by which the 
same rights are reciprocally secured. 
I avail myself, etc., 

BtfLOW. 



FRANCE. 



Secretary Hay to Mr, Vignaud^ French charge d'affaires 
at Washington. 

Department of State, 

Washington^ September 6, 1899. 

Sir : I have to inclose, for your confidential information, 
copies of instructions I have sent under this date to the United 
States ambassadors at London, Berlin, and St. Petersburg in 
reference to the desire of this Government that the Govern- 
ments of Great Britain, Germany, and Kussia make formal 

5 



66 INTEREST OF THE UNITE t> STATES. 

declaration of an " open-door " policy in the territories held by 
them in China. 

I am, etc., John Hay. 

(Inclosures:) To London, No. 205, September 6, 1899; to 
Berlin, No. 927, September 6, 1899 ; to St. Petersburg, No. 82, 
September 6, 1899. 



Secretary Hay to Ambassador Porter, 

Department of State, 

Washington^ November 21, 1899. 
Porter, Ambassador, Paris: 

Informally submit to French Government form of declar- 
ation outlined in inclosures with instruction No. 664 of Sep- 
tember 6, and ask whether France will join. 

Hay. 



M. Delcasse, French minister of foreign affairs, to 
Ambassador Porter, 

Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 
My Dear Ambassador : I find your note awaiting me on 
my return. The declarations which I made in the Chamber 
on the 24th of November last, and which I have had occasion 
to recall to you since then, show clearly the sentiments of the 
Government of the Eepublic. It desires throughout the whole 
of China and, with the quite natural reservation that all the 
powers interested give an assurance of their willingness to act 
likewise, is ready to apply in the territories which are leased 
to it, equal treatment to the citizens and subjects of all nations, 
especially in the matter of customs duties and navigation dues, 
as well as transportation tariffs on railways. 

I beg you, my dear ambassador, to accept, etc., 

Delcasse. 



INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 6? 

ITALY. 

Secretary Hay to Ambassador Draper, 

Department of State, 
Washington^ November 17, 1899. 

Sir: This Government, animated with a sincere desire to 
insure to the commerce and industry of the United States and 
of all other nations perfect equality of treatment within the 
limits of the Chinese Empire for their trade and navigation, 
especially within the so-called " spheres of influence or inter- 
est " claimed by certain European powers in China, has deemed 
the present an opportune moment to make representations in 
this direction to Germany, Great Britain, Japan, and Russia. 

To attain the object it has in view and to remove possible 
causes of international irritation and reestablish confidence, so 
essential to commerce, it has seemed to this Government highly 
desirable that the various powers claiming " spheres of interest 
or influence " in China should give formal assurances that — 

First. They will in no way interfere with any treaty port 
or any vested interest within any so-called "sphere of interest" 
or leased territory they may have in China. 

Second. The Chinese treaty tariflf of the time being shall 
apply to all merchandise landed or shipped to all such ports 
as are within said "sphere of interest" (unless they be "free 
ports"), no matter to what nationality it may belong, and that 
duties so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese Govern- 
ment. 

Third. They will levy no higher harbor dues on vessels of 
another nationality frequenting any port in such "sphere" 
than shall be levied on vessels of their own nationality, and no 
higher railroad charges over lines built, controlled, or operated 
within its " sphere " on merchandise belonging to citizens or 
subjects of other nationalities transported through such " sphere" 
than shall be levied on similar merchandise belonging to their 
own nationals transported over equal distances. 



68 INTEEEST OF THE UNITED STATES. 

The policy pursued by His Imperial German Majesty in de- 
claring Tsing-tao (Kiaochau) a free port and in aiding the 
Chinese Government in establishing there a custom-house, and 
the ukase of His Imperial Russian Majesty of August 11 last, 
erecting a free port of Dalny (Talienwan) are thought to be 
proof that these powers are not disposed to view unfavorably 
the proposition to recognize that they contemplate nothing 
which will interfere in any way with the enjoyment by the 
commerce of all nations of the rights and privileges guaranteed 
to them by existing treaties with China. 

Repeated assurances from the British Government of its fixed 
policy to maintain throughout China freedom of trade for the 
whole world insure, it is believed, the ready assent of that 
power to our proposals. The commercial interests of Japan 
will also be greatly served by the above-mentioned declaration, 
which harmonizes with the assurances conveyed to this Gov- 
ernment at various times by His Imperial Japanese Majesty's 
diplomatic representative at this capital. 

In view of the important and growing commercial interests 
of Italy in eastern Asia it would seem desirable that His 
Majesty's Government should also be informed of the steps 
taken by the United States to insure freedom of trade in China, 
in which it would find equal advantages to those which the 
other nations of Europe expect. 

You are therefore instructed to submit to His Majesty's min- 
ister for foreign affairs the above considerations and to invite 
his early attention to them, expressing, in the name of your 
Government, the hope that they will prove acceptable and that 
His Majesty's Government will lend its aid and valuable 
assistance in securing their acceptance by the other interested 
powers. 

I inclose, for your personal and confidential information, cop- 
ies of the instructions sent to our ambassadors at Berlin, Lon- 
don, St. Petersburg, and to our minister at Tokio. 

I am, etc., 

John Hay. 



INTEKEST OF THE UNITED STATES. 69 

The Marquis Visconii Venostaj Italian minister of foreign affairs^ 
io Ambassador Draper, 

KoME, January 7, 1900. 

Mr. Ambassador : Supplementary to what you had already 
done me the honor of communicating to me in your note of 
December 9, 1899, your excellency informed me yesterday of 
the telegraphic note received from your Government that all 
the powers consulted by the cabinet of Washington concerning 
the suitability of adopting a line of policy which would insure 
to the trade of the whole world equality of treatment in China 
have given a favorable reply. 

Eeferring to your communications and to the statements in 
my note of December 23 last, I take pleasure in saying that the 
Government of the King adheres willingly to the proposals set 
forth in said note of December 9. 

I beg your excellency to kindly convey the notice of our 
adhesion to the Cabinet of Washington, and I avail myself of 
the occasion to renew to you, etc. 

ViscoNTi Venosta. 



JAPAN. 

Secretary Hay to Minister Buck. 

Department of State, 
Washington J November 13, 1899. 

Sir: This Government, animated with a sincere desire to 
insure to the commerce and industry of the United States and 
of all other nations perfect equality of treatment within the 
limits of the Chinese Empire for their trade and navigation, 
especially within the so-called '* spheres of influence or 
interest " claimed by certain European powers in China, has 



70 INTEKEST OF THE UNITED STATES. 

deemed the present an opportune moment to make represen- 
tations in this direction to Germany, Great Britain and 
Kussia. 

To obtain the object it has in view and to remove possible 
causes of international irritation and reestablish confidence so 
essential to commerce, it has seemed to this Government 
highly desirable that the various powers claiming " spheres of 
interest or influence" in China should give formal assurances 
that — 

First. They will in no way interfere with any treaty port 
or any vested interest within any so-called " sphere of interest" 
or leased territory they may have in China. 

Second. The Chinese treaty tariff of the time being shall 
apply to all merchandise landed or shipped to all such ports 
as are within said " sphere of interest " (unless they be " free 
ports"), no matter to what nationality it may belong, and that 
duties so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese Govern- 
ment. 

Third. They will levy no higher harbor dues on vessels of 
another nationality frequenting any port in such "sphere" 
than shall be levied on vessels of their own nationality, and no 
higher railroad charges over lines built, controlled, or operated 
within such *^ sphere" on merchandise belonging to citizens 
or subjects of other nationalities transported through such 
*^ sphere " than shall be levied on similar merchandise be- 
longing to their own nationals transported over equal dis- 
tances. 

The policy pursued by His Imperial German Majesty in de- 
claring Tsingtao (Kiaochau) a free port and in aiding the 
Chinese Government in establishing there a custom-house, and 
the ukase of His Imjperial Russian Majesty of August 11 last 
in erecting a free port at Dalny (Talienwan) are thought to be 
proof that these powers are not disposed to view unfavorably 
the proposition to recognize that they contemplate nothing 
which will interfere in any way with the enjoyment by the 
commerce of all nations of the rights and privileges guaranteed 
to them by existing treaties with China. 



INTEREST OF THE UISITED STATES. 71 

Repeated assurances from the British Government of its fixed 
policy to maintain throughout China freedom of trade for the 
whole world insure, it is believed, the ready assent of that 
power to our proposals. It is no less confidently believed that 
the commercial interests of Japan would be greatly served by 
the above-mentioned declaration, which harmonizes with the 
assurances conveyed to this Government at various times by 
His Imperial Japanese Majesty's diplomatic representative at 
this capital. 

You are therefore instructed to submit to His Imperial 
Japanese Majesty's Government the above considerations, and 
to invite their early attention to them, and express the earnest 
hope of your Government that they will accept them and aid 
in securing their acceptance by the other interested powers. 

I am, etc., 

John Hay. 



Viscount Aokiy Minister of foreign affairs^ to Minister Buck. 

Department of Foreign Affairs, 
TokyOy the 2Qih day, the 12th month of the S2d year of Meiji. 

{December 26, 1899.) 

Mr. Minister ; I have the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of the note No. 176 of the 20th instant, in which, 
pursuing the instructions of the United States Government, 
your excellency was so good as to communicate to the Imperial 
Government the representations of the United States as pre- 
sented in notes to Kussia, Germany, and Great Britain on the 
subject of commercial interests of the United States in China. 

I have the happy duty of assuring your excellency that the 
Imperial Government will have no hesitation to give their 
assent to so just and fair a proposal of the United States, pro- 
vided that all the other powers concerned shall accept the same. 

I avail myself, etc., 

Viscount Aoki Siuzo. 



72 INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 



Instructions sent mutatis mutandis to the United States ambassadors 
at London^ Paris, Berlin, St Petersburg, and Borne, and to the 
United States Minister at Tokyo, 

Department of State, 

Washington, March 20, 1900. 

Sir ; The Government having accepted the declara- 
tion suggested by the United States concerning foreign trade 
in China, the terms of which I transmitted to you in my 

instruction No. of , and like action having been taken 

by all the various powers having leased territory or so-called 
"spheres of interest" in the Chinese Empire, as shown by the 
notes which I herewith transmit to you, you will please inform 
the government to which you are accredited that the condition 
originally attached to its acceptance — that all other powers 
concerned should likewise accept the proposals of the United 
States — having been complied with, this Government will 

therefore consider the assent given to it by as final and 

definitive. 

You will also transmit to the minister for foreign affairs 
copies of the present inclosures, and by the same occasion con- 
vey to him the expression of the sincere gratification which 
the President feels at the successful termination of these negotia- 
tions, in which he sees proof of the friendly spirit which 
animates the various powers interested in the untrammeled 
development of commerce and industry in the Chinese Empire 
and a source of vast benefit to the whole commercial world. 

I am, etc., 

John Hay. 

(Inclosures:) M. Delcass^ to Mr. Porter (received December 
16, 1899); Mr. Jackson to Mr. Hay, telegram, December 4, 
1899; Count von Billow to Mr. White, February 19, 1900; 
Lord Salisbury to Mr. Choate, November 30, 1899; Marquis 
Visconti Venosta to Mr. Draper, January 7, 1900; Viscount 
Aoki to Mr. Buck, December 26, 1899 ; Count Mouravieff to 
Mr. Tower, December 18, 1899. 



INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES. 73 

This brings the official correspondence to an end. 
Lord Salisbury, it will be noticed, says that '' Her 
Majesty^s government will be prepared to make a 
declaration in the sense desired/^ which may or not 
be equivalent to actually making a declaration. 
Count Mouravieff, it will also be observed, is 
scarcely direct in his statements on the vital 
questions. These points may rise up in the future 
to play a great part in the world^s affairs, if the 
partition of old China is to come at last. 



CHAPTER IV. 
The Chinese-Japanese Wae. 

THE war between China and Japan, which began 
in 1894 and ended in the following year, was 
not only one of the most interesting wars of modern 
times but it was far-reaching in its influence upon 
the world at large. In the first place, it was a 
conclusive demonstration that China had not yet 
learned the military and naval lessons of the western 
nations and that her great masses of fighting men, 
clinging obstinately to mediaeval methods even in 
the face of the rude lessons of the wars with Eng- 
land and France, were an easy prey to a second- 
class power versed in the fighting art of the moderns. 
/Secondly, it paved the way for all the acquisitions 
of Chinese territory by foreigners which have been 
such a startling and world-threatening feature in 
the history of the last five years. Thirdly, it 
afforded the first test in actual combat of modern 
naval vessels, which had been constructed largely 
on theory. Fourthly, it introduced a new world- 
power — Japan, which at a bound leaped from the 
classification of an incompetent Asiatic nation into 
the full vigor of a formidable foe and a powerful 
friend. 

74 



THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 75 

.At the beginning of the war China was feared, 
even dreaded, as a power of vast resources which 
might conquer the world. When the conflict 
closed, there was none so poor as to do her rever- 
ence. In the early part of 1894 China's prowess 
as a fighting nation was an unsolved problem which 
became a nightmare for some of the world's states- 
men. The wars waged on her own soil by England 
in the middle of the 1 9th century and by France 
later had not afforded a satisfactory test of her 
military resources and even such observations as had 
then been made had largely passed from the 
memory of men. China, when she fought Eng- 
land and France, was largely a sealed book to 
foreigners. None of them was permitted to remain 
in the interior of the country while the wars were 
going on and methods of observation from the out- 
side were necessarily imperfect. 

So China in war remained a riddle. It was not 
positively known at the beginning of 1894 how far 
she had remodelled her army on modern lines. 
Her navy, it was known, had actually been so 
remodelled and she had collected a formidable force 
on the sea. Distinguished European experts pre- 
dicted that China would yet become the greatest 
power on the globe. Lord Wolseley, commander- 
in-chief of the British army, who had himself seen 
service in China, expressed the opinion that the 
Chinaman as an individual had ideal qualifications 
for a soldier — indomitable bravery, great endurance. 



76 THE CHINESE- JAPANESE WAR. 

and amenability to discipline. It was only a ques- 
tion as to who would utilize these qualities in the 
construction of a military machine which could 
defy all opposition. 

\ The result of the war was a great shock and a 
deep humiliation to China. She had not dreamed 
that her active little neighbor could best her on the 
field of battle^i The Chinese, who are comparatively 
large men, looked down on the Japanese and called 
them dwarfs. When they found that the west^s intel- 
ligence in the art of war — perhaps at best a devil- 
lish intelligence — had enabled the ^^ dwarfs ^^ of 
Japan to down the Chinese giant, the blow to their 
historic pride was tremendous. 

Korea was the cause of the war. Both Japan 
and China were anxious to maintain permanent 
ascendancy in that kingdom and here came the 
trouble. China had claimed rights of suzerainty 
over Korea since 2000 B. C. In 1637 A. D. there 
was a dispute and a Chinese army overran the 
country, exacting conditions of vassalage that con- 
tinued to be observed until 1894. In accordance 
with Chinese practice, these conditions were not 
permitted to interfere with the internal independ- 
ence of the tributary nation. The only conditions 
were that the Korean king and his heir-apparent 
must apply for and receive investiture from the 
emperor of China ; that an annual mission must be 
sent with tribute to Pekin and that no important 




THE CHINESE- JAPANESE WAR 

arrangement with a foreign power must b( 
into without the consent of China. 

But Korea carried water on both shdKers. She 
was also tributary to Japan from the Mird century 
to 641 A. D. and near the close of the 16th century 
Japanese troops conquered the country, renewing 
conditions of suzerainty which Japan had continued 
to claim since, though not maintaining them so 
actively as China. Among the Koreans in the 
latter part of the 19th century two parties grew up, 
one favoring the introduction of modern methods 
as in the case of Japan and the other opposing 
innovation as treason to Confucian principles. In 
1876 this led to a clash and then a treaty. The 
Chinese in that year annexed the neutral strip of 
territory, 60 miles wide, beyond the Yalu river, 
which forms the northern boundary of Korea. The 
Japanese in turn made a naval demonstration. The 
result was a treaty, in which China and Japan 
acknowledged the independence of Korea. 

In 1882 the Japanese legation at Seoul, the 
Korean capital, was attacked and afterward Japan 
maintained a military guard there. This was an 
opening wedge for the conflict that was to come. 
As Japan maintained soldiers in Korea, China also 
felt privileged to do so and she was not slow in 
following her island neighbor's move. 

On December 4, 1884, a band of conspirators 
headed by Kim Ok Kiun, ex-minister to Japan, 
killed the principal ministers and courtiers at Seoul 



78 THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAB. 

and seized the Korean king himself. The Japanese 
legation guard, numbering 140 men, interfered 
and secured the custody of the monarch. Chinese 
soldiers who had been encamped outside the town 
went to the rescue and overwhelmed the Japanese. 
The Koreans rose and there was a general slaughter 
of Japanese residents. For a time there was a 
serious rupture, but the Chinese government opened 
negotiations for a treaty to regulate the relations of 
both countries with Korea, the result of which was 
an agreement signed at Tientsin in April, 1885, 
providing that China and Japan should both with- 
draw their troops from Korea and not send any 
more except in case of grave disturbance, when 
they were to act jointly, and withdraw their sol- 
diers as soon as the trouble was settled. 

In the spring of 1894 the final crisis began to 
develop. A Korean association known as the Tong 
Hak, representing the idea of national independence 
from both China and Japan, incited a rebellion in 
the southern province of Chulla. A force of 1000 
soldiers who were sent against the insurgents would 
not fight, sympathizing with the movement, and as 
the rebellion spread into other parts of Korea, King 
Li Hi, at the suggestion of Yuan, the Chinese resi- 
dent agent, called upon the government at Pekin for 
aid. Li Hung Chang, who was then in power, sent 
2000 soldiers into the country. Japan protested 
against this as independent interference by China in 
violation of the treaty of Tientsin. 



THE CHINESE- JAPANESE WAB. 79 

As a matter of fact it was believed at the capitals 
of the world that both countries had been preparing 
to violate the terms of their agreement in regard to 
Korea. When the pinch came, though, China acted 
first. Hostility between them had been increasing, 
and they made ready for a trial of strength — the 
colossal nation of China against the young and active 
power of Japan. Statesmen of both countries fore- 
saw war. Japan had systematically made ready for 
it in accordance with the most modern principles, 
but China, as the event proved, trusted too much in 
what she believed to be her natural strength, and 
was lax in preparing. Chinese soldiers were sent to 
settle in Korea under the guise of merchants and 
mechanics, ready to act if the pro-Japanese party 
attempted to go too far; but Japan attacked the 
problem in a more practical way. Her navy was 
thoroughly overhauled and drilled and her generals 
made a detailed study of Korean topography for use 
in the war that was coming. 

As the 2000 troops sent by Li Hung Chang failed 
to put down the Tong Hak rebellion, Japan gave 
notice of sending troops to Korea June 3, 1894, and 
in a week had landed 5000 men on the west coast. 
The troops were debarked under the pretext of es- 
corting the Japanese minister, Otori, on his return 
to Seoul June 9, and then of guarding the Japanese 
legation. On July 3 Otori submitted an important 
note to the Korean monarch, which served as a basis 
for the negotiations that finally collapsed when the 



80 THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 

war broke out. This note deplored the disorders in 
a country close to Japan in which she felt a deep 
interest, and submitted a scheme of reform which 
in general terms may be stated as follows : 

(1) The civil government in Seoul and the prov- 
inces to be thoroughly reformed and the depart- 
ments arranged under proper responsible heads. 

(2) The country's resources to be developed by 
the construction of railroads and the opening of 
mines. 

(3) Radical reforms in the laws of Korea. 

(4) The military forces to be reorganized under 
competent instructors, so as to render the country 
secure from internal disorder and external attack. 

(5) Education to be thoroughly reformed ac- 
cording to modern ideas. 

The Korean King delayed a few days and finally 
on July 10 sent a commission to consult Otori 
about his plan of reform. To the commissioners, 
Otori unfolded his views in detail. 

While these negotiations were in progress, both 
the King of Korea and the Chinese minister at 
Seoul urged Otori to withdraw the Japanese troops 
lest a collision should occur between them and the 
Chinese. This the Japanese minister positively de- 
clined to do. It had come to a clash. Either 
China or Japan should be supreme in Korea and 
each country was equally determined. 

At first steps were taken to avert the war by 
mediation. China invoked the friendly offices of 



THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 81 

Russia, which had pledged herself not to take pos- 
session of any part of Korea when the British 
evacuated Port Hamilton. This pledge was to be 
modified later in spirit, if not in letter, when 
Russia attempted to secure a lease at Masampho 
and actually gained some advantage there. At the 
same time China appealed to Russia, she notified 
the powers of the world that the Korean rebels had 
dispersed on the arrival of the Chinese troops, w^ho 
were ready to retire, except for the fact that the 
Tokyo government refused to withdraw the Japanese 
troops. The European ministers at Seoul, at the 
request of the King, made a joint demand for the 
withdrawal of both the Chinese and Japanese. 
China assented at once, but Japan, whose blood was 
up, delayed an answer nearly three weeks and then 
referred the ministers at Seoul to the court of Tokyo 
through the ministers there. Japan also continued 
to press her scheme for reforms in Korea. The 
King was in straits, but Li Hung Chang promised 
him military assistance and he became bold enough 
to send a note to Otori repudiating the whole 
reform plan. Otori acted promptly. He sent an 
ultimatum to the King the next day giving 24 
hours in which to demand the withdrawal of the 
Chinese troops, sever all relations with China, agree 
to maintain Korea as an independent country and 
carry out the Japanese program of reform. No 
reply being vouchsafed to this, Otori became still 
bolder. With the legation guard of 600 soldiers, 
6 



82 THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 

he forced his way through the palace guard, after a 
fight in which 7 Japanese and 80 Koreans fell. 
He compelled the Kiug to send for Tai Wen Kun, 
a statesman of Japanese proclivities, and appoint 
him regent to carry out the reform program. 
This was an essentially oriental way of doing things 
and was a direct blow at the sovereignty of Korea, 
if such a thing could be held really to exist. 

Having thus made a virtual prisoner of the 
Korean King and taken power out of his hands, 
Japan presented the following demands at Pekin : 

China to acquiesce in the principle of reform for 
Korea and to recognize arrangements made already 
with the Korean King ; to admit that Japan should 
enjoy in Korea the same rights as China, except in 
regard to Chinese suzerainty, which was not to be 
touched and might retain its historic and ceremon- 
ious character ; arrangements to be made at a con- 
ference of representatives of the two powers for the 
withdrawal of the troops as soon as order was 
restored. In conclusion, Japan declared that the 
sending of more Chinese troops to Korea would be 
considered a hostile act against which she would 
take steps of self-defense. 

The Russian government, whose far-seeing diplo- 
mats had their eyes on Korea, asked an explanation 
of Japanese proceedings in that country, intimating 
that the Czar would not permit any acquisition of 
territory. In reply, Russia was informed that no 
designs on Korea were intended, and that Japan 



THE CHINESE- JAPANESE WAR. 83 

would withdraw her troops as soon as Chinese 
interference ceased. This satisfied St. Petersburg. 
The connection of the United States with the 
war now began. This country felt bound by a 
special duty to Korea^ and had also a special interest 
in Japan^ having been the first western nation to 
open both countries and make treaties with them. 
A treaty made in Washington in 1882 with Korean 
envoys stipulated that, '' if other powers deal un- 
justly or oppressively with either government, the 
other will exert its friendly offices, on being informed 
of the case, to bring about an amicable settlement, 
thus showing its friendly feelings.'^ When the 
rebellion had spread through several provinces and 
the capital was threatened, the Korean King had 
asked the United States to send warships to Che- 
mulpo. The cruiser Baltimore was dispatched, and 
on receiving from the Seoul government a warning 
that the rebellion was directed against foreigners, 
marines were landed to protect the United States 
legation and the lives of Americans. At that time 
Americans were more numerous in Korea than the 
subjects of any European power, numbering about 
80, including several advisers of the king himself. 
The monarch appealed to the United States under 
the treaty, saying that his country was dealt with 
unjustly and oppressively by both Japan and China 
in stationing troops on Korean soil. The United 
States ministers in Pekin and Tokyo were accord- 
ingly instructed to make representations to the 



84 THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 

governments embodying the king^s complaint and 
exerting the friendly offices of America to relieve 
Korea's troubles. China disclaimed all intention of 
oppressing Korea and expressed a willingness to 
recall her troops as soon as Japan consented to do 
the same. Japan repudiated designs on Korean 
territory but declined to withdraw her troops until 
satisfactory measures had been taken to prevent the 
recurrence of disturbances. As a next step the 
United States offered its good offices as mediator in 
case they should be desired, but the situation had 
gone too far for mediation and the clouds of war 
were soon to break. 

Great Britain also took a hand. She was anxious 
to preserve the situation as it was and wanted to 
bring about European intervention, but could not 
safely attempt this alone for fear of involving her- 
self with other powers. So she requested the gov- 
ernments of Russia, France, Grermany, and Italy to 
join the British ministers at Pekin and Tokyo in an 
offer of mediation. All agreed to this so long as 
it was confined to peaceful counsels. The United 
States refused to act in concert with Great Britain 
or any other power, but was willing to mediate 
independently. Great Britain advanced suggestions 
of forcible intervention, but the powers would not 
give their consent. The London government knew 
that its prestige in the Orient largely rested on a 
belief in the naval and military superiority of Great 
Britain, and feared that the coming war would de- 



THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 85 

velop a new sea or land power, or both, which 
would seriously threaten the British position. 

We have sketched in some detail the diplomatic 
events leading up to the war because they throw 
light upon the conditions of Asiatic politics at a 
time almost simultaneous with our own. Next we 
come to consider the war itself, which was about to 
burst upon the world. 

All hope of averting the conflict seeming useless, 
the Chinese government presented its ultimatum and 
received the formal defiance of Japan. China made 
hasty preparations, raising recruits to serve in a 
campaign in Korea, for Li Hung Chang declined to 
send his seasoned troops there, except a few for the 
instruction of the others. The Chinese recruits were 
chiefly coolies armed with obsolete weapons and re- 
taining their national dress. Japan^s troops, on the 
other hand, were armed and drilled in the most 
modern fashion and wore European uniforms, better 
suited to the work of a campaign in the field. 
China, having no troop transports of her own, 
chartered a number of them from British ship- 
owners. She prepared to send some of her troops 
to Korea in these vessels while others were to enter 
from Manchuria by crossing the Yalu river. 

In her ultimatum China had demanded that Japan 
withdraw her troops from Korea by July 20, other- 
wise Chinese soldiers would be landed and a sea 
advance made. The ultimatum having expired on 
that day, China promptly sent a detachment of her 



86 THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 

northern squadron from Taku convoying transports 
carrying 2000 troops bound for Korea. Most of 
these were landed at Asan. 

The Japanese cruisers Naniwa, Akitsushima, and 
Takachiho appeared in Prince Jerome gulf July 25 
and met the Chinese cruiser Chi Yuen and the dis- 
patch boat Kootsu convoying the transport Kow 
Shing, on board of which were 1700 troops. The 
Chinese ships made hostile signals and prepared to 
fight. Two of the Japanese cruisers confronted the 
opposing warships and the Naniwa pursued the 
transport^ signalling her to stop. This transport 
was owned by an English firm, was under the Eng- 
lish flag, and was navigated by English officers. 
The Japanese demanded that she should go as a 
prize to a Japanese port. The English argued that 
the ship was flying their flag and that it should be 
respected, while the Chinese on board declared they 
would rather die than surrender. The Japanese 
were prepared to fight, and signalled to the English 
to quit the Kow Shing, which they did, leaping into 
the sea and being afterward rescued by the boats of 
the Naniwa. Then the Japanese opened fire with 
their heavy cannon and machine guns, discharging 
also two torpedoes, which struck the transport and 
exploded, sending her to the bottom with most of 
her 1700 men. All of these 1700 were drowned 
except about 200, who were picked up by the 
boats of German and French men-of-war in the 
vicinity. 



THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 87 

In the meantime the Akitsushima and Takachiho 
had engaged the Chi Yuen and the Kootsu. An 
hour's determined fighting occurred and then the 
Chi Yuen showed signals of surrender. The Japa- 
nese warships approached her^ when she suddenly 
discharged several torpedoes, which, however, the 
Japanese were able to prevent from reaching their 
ships. Again the battle began and after it had raged 
several hours the Chi Yuen turned and fled, escaping 
the Japanese cruiser which pursued her. The Kootsu 
ran aground and was captured by the Japanese. 

On the same day, off Fontao island, a battle 
occurred between the Chinese cruiser Chih Yuen 
and the Japanese cruiser Yoshino. Though her 
turret and steering gear were disabled by a shell, 
the Chih Yuen in turn managed to disable the 
Japanese ship and would have seized her as a prize 
had not other Japanese vessels appeared. At this 
the Chih Yuen went back to Wai Hai Wei as fast 
as she could go. The troop ship To Nan, which 
she had been convoying, was sunk with 1000 
soldiers on board and the So Keang, a Chinese war 
vessel which had been following the Chih Yuen, 
was captured. 

The government of Japan offered to make repara- 
tion for the action of the Naniwa in firing upon a 
ship flying the English flag and officially expressed 
regret ; but a British court of inquiry which met 
at Shanghai decided that the Naniwa was justified 
and that no reparation was due. 



88 THE CHINESE-JAPAKESE WAR. 

Early in August another naval battle occurred 
which resulted in a draw between the Chinese 
battleship Chen Yuen and the Japanese cruiser Hi 
Yei. Both ships were greatly damaged and made 
for port to undergo repairs. 

The Japanese admiral decided to concentrate his 
vessels for a time along the southern coast of Korea 
to protect the transports which were carrying troops 
from Japan to Korea, and also to guard against a 
descent by Chinese upon the coast of Japan. Later, 
finding that the heavy battleships of China were not 
overly aggressive in taking the sea, but remained 
most of the time under the shelter of the guns of 
Wei Hai Wei, the Japanese became bolder and 
cruised up the gulf of Pechili, challenging the 
opposing fleet to battle. The truth was now be- 
coming apparent. China's navy was not ready for 
war. It lacked skillful officers, though both officers 
and men were brave enough. The Chinese, though 
naturally excellent sailors, lacked the scientific ex- 
pertness needed to navigate and give battle with 
modern ships of war. Their English and Scotch 
engineers had left the service at the outbreak of 
hostilities, and not enough trained Chinese were 
available to operate the engines properly. Besides, 
the supply of good coal was short and the com- 
manders had to be too economical in its use to 
secure the best results. The Japanese navy, on the 
other hand, was well equipped and in prime condi- 
tion. It consisted chiefly of cruisers, while the 



THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 89 

Chinese navy had a greater number of heavy battle- 
ships. The Japanese vessels were faster and better 
maneuvered, while the Chinese men-of-war had the 
larger guns. 

The bold plan of an attack on the Chinese fleet 
under the guns of Wei Hai Wei was decided upon. 
At one o'clock in the morning of August 11 twelve 
Japanese men-of-war and 6 torpedo-boats entered 
the harbor under cover of darkness. The torpedo- 
boats were sent to sink the Chinese ships, but a 
British cruiser in the harbor suddenly flashed a light 
on the boats and fired a salute for the Japanese 
vessels. It was afterward explained by her com- 
mander that his object was to prevent the Japanese 
torpedo-boats from attacking his vessel. But the 
attempted surprise had been largely spoiled. The 
Chinese forts and ships opened fire on the Japanese, 
and after an hour's exchange of shots the Japanese 
withdrew, little damage having been done on either 
side. A few days later the Japanese fleet attacked 
Port Arthur to learn the position of its guns. After 
this had been accomplished the fleet retired, not 
being ready to risk a decisive engagement with the 
powerful Armstrong guns of the land batteries 
there. 

A state of war now being in full blast, formal 
declarations of hostilities were made by the govern- 
ments of China and Japan. China requested the 
United States representatives in Japan to look after 
the interests of her subjects during the period of 



90 THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 

conflict, and Japan made a similar request as to the 
United States representatives in China. Both were 
granted. 

The chief burden of the war as regards China 
fell upon Li Hung Chang, who was then in supreme 
control at Pekin. He had tried his best to avert 
hostilities, but now that they had come he was to 
be the executive director of them. The problem 
was a trying one. Besides the comparative inef- 
fectiveness of his navy, his army was not one-fourth 
as strong as Japan^s. The viceroys of the provinces, 
each anxious to retain troops for the protection of 
local territory, failed to extend hearty cooperation. 
China, though immensely richer in material re- 
sources than Japan, was financially crippled. Her 
wealthy men would not take a loan of $1,000,000, 
while public-spirited Japanese readily advanced 
$15,000,000 for their government. 

Japan, which had in the meantime forced Korea 
to conclude a treaty of offensive and defensive 
alliance, took energetic steps for the military occu- 
pation of that country. She landed 30,000 troops 
at Chemulpo, 12,000 at Fusan and 3000 at Gensan, 
taking possession of the strategic positions and roads, 
constructing field telegraphs and transporting sup- 
plies in conformity with a previously prepared plan. 
China also made ready to invade Korea in force. 
She had 2000 picked Mauchu veterans at Assan and 
5000 coolie recruits were landed to reinforce them. 
Troops were also massed in Manchuria preparatory 



THE CHINESE- JAPANESE WAR. 91 

to invading Korea by crossing the Yalu river. The 
movement over the Yalu begun July 2d, and by 
August 1, 30,000 men were concentrated at Wichu, 
in the northwestern corner of Korea, where several 
thousand more who went from China by sea joined 
them later. This army advanced about 100 miles 
southward and took up a position at Pingyang. 

The Japanese drove the Chinese force out of 
Assan, and advanced to a point near Pingyang 
prepared to give battle to the main army of the foe. 
The possession of Assan was gained by the Japanese 
only after a severe fight. They were commanded 
by Gen. Oshima, who had studied military science 
in Germany and was a clever strategist. Applying 
his European knowledge, he first attacked the 
Chinese in the flanks and rear, afterward delivering 
an assault in front. The Chinese lost 500 men and 
the Japanese but 75 in the battle. Gen. Yeh, the 
Chinese commander, managed to retreat in good 
order, leaving, however, 4 of his cannon and most 
of his war stores in the hands of the Japanese. By 
a rapid march of 350 miles he retreated to Ping- 
yang, where he joined Gen. Tio^s main army. This 
march was successfully accomplished under great 
difficulty, and American and European strategists 
bestowed high praise on it. 

Gen. Oshima, the victorious Japanese com- 
mander, advanced to Pong San, north of Seoul, 
where he was reinforced by 12,000 men, who had 
landed at Fusan and 6000 who had debarked at 



92 THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAE. 

Chemulpo. The Chinese made the Taitong river 
their main line of defense. They advanced in force 
August 13 and won a few minor successes, but 
allowed themselves to be entrapped by the wily 
Japanese near Changhua and were defeated with a 
loss of 500 men. The Chinese soon received rein- 
forcements which brought their army on the Taitong 
up to 34,000 men. A Japanese force of 8000 landed 
at Gensan and marched over the mountains to attack 
the Chinese in flank. Still another force landed at 
Pingyang inlet and established itself, after a hot 
fight, at Hwang Ju, 45 miles from Pingyang. 
Soon all was ripe for a general attack on Ping- 
yang. The force that had landed at Gensan 
attacked one flank of the Chinese and the Hwang 
Ju column attacked the other. The Chinese were 
compelled to retreat to the city of Pingyang, after 
suffering heavy losses, and shut themselves up there 
in a strongly fortified position. Here, on Septem- 
ber 16, another well-planned assault was delivered. 
Field Marshal Yams^ata having arrived to take 
supreme command of the Japanese. His army 
numbered 40,000 and that of his opponents about 
30,000. The center column of the Japanese ham- 
mered the Chinese front and the other columns 
surprised Gen. Tio^s men by attacking on the flanks 
and rear, where, having failed to learn by expe- 
rience, they were unprepared to resist. Caught at 
a great disadvantage, the Chinese became panic- 
stricken and the Japanese cut them down without 



THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAE. 93 

mercy. The Chinese losses in killed, wounded and 
prisoners were more than 16,000 while the victors 
lost but 30 killed and 270 wounded. Five thou- 
sand trained troops of the Chinese army who formed 
a nucleus for the mass of coolie recruits stood their 
ground until all of them were cut down. Four 
Chinese generals were captured, besides thousands 
of rifles and great stores of ammunition and 
food. 

The next development of the war was a naval 
one, and in many respects the most important inci- 
dent of the entire conflict. It was the famous battle 
of the Yalu river, in which the power of the Chinese 
fleet was utterly broken and the Japanese established 
conclusively their prowess as a naval nation. Bent 
on strengthening their military position in Northern 
Korea, the Chinese assembled fresh troops at Wei 
Hai Wei and reinforced their fleet under Admiral 
Ting by ships drawn from the southern coast of the 
empire. The fleet sailed September 14 for the mouth 
of the Yalu, convoying six transports on board of 
which were 4000 troops, with guns and stores. On 
September 17 the ships reached the mouth of the 
Yalu. A Japanese fleet, which was cruising in the 
vicinity, sighted them, and deploying in line of 
battle, began an immediate advance while the trans- 
ports were beginning to unload. 

It was a fine naval spectacle, for both fleets were 
composed of powerful modern vessels and each was 
by no means inconsiderable in size. 



94 THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 

China's ships in the first line of defense were the 
Chen Yuen, Ching Yuen, Ting Yuen, Chao Yung, 
Yung Wei, Chih Yuen, and Chi Yuen, all being 
battleships except the two last-named, which were 
cruisers. A second line of defense was made up of 
the cruisers Kwang Kai and Kwang Ting and four 
torpedo boats. On the Japanese side were the cruis- 
ers Matsusima, Itsukushima, Hashidate, Yoshino, 
Naniwa, Takachiho, Akitsushima, Chigoda, Hi Yei, 
Fuso, Akagi, Sakio Maru and five torpedo boats. 

Advancing, the Japanese ships maneuvered at 
full speed, circling about the Chinese fleet, which 
drew up in wedge formation and remained on the 
defensive, turning slowly to keep up with the move- 
ments of the Japanese and always facing them. By 
this means the Chinese hoped to neutralize the speed 
of the hostile cruisers and beat them off with the 
fire of heavy guns. 

The Japanese finally opened broadsides on the 
Chen Yuen and Ting Yuen and tried to break 
through the first line of defense so as to attack the 
transports. After they had completed one circle, 
firing as they moved, they hauled off and at a dis- 
tance of 8000 yards formed two divisions, the first 
which composed of the seven best crusiers, advanced 
to attack the Chen Yuen and Ting Yuen. The 
other division engaged the Chinese cruisers. Again 
they circled around the Chinese fleet, taking full 
advantage of their speed and using their quick-firing 
guns, whose shells set the Chinese ships on fire 



THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 95 

several times and riddled their vast protected parts. 
By fast maneuvering the Japanese avoided to a large 
extent the fire of the Chinese heavy guns, but some 
of the huge shells struck home and the Japanese 
had practically to stop fighting several times in 
order to put out fires on their own vessels. The 
Chinese fired 197 rounds with 12 inch, and 268 
rounds with 6 inch guns and the roar was awful. 
Near the close of the battle their supply of shells 
became exhausted, and they had to rely exclusively 
on steel shot, which were not so effective. 

Bursting Japanese shells silenced the big guns of 
both the Chen Yuen and Ting Yuen. The Chen 
Yuen suffered fearfully. Of the 460 men on board 
of her when the battle began, 350 were killed. The 
Chih Yuen was struck on the hull and her com- 
mander. Captain Tang, rushed her at full speed at 
the opposing Japanese ship with the intention of 
ramming but his vessel foundered with 250 men on 
board before reaching her mark. The Ching Yuen 
caught fire in several places and w^as finally sunk 
with a torpedo, her 270 men going down with her. 
Captain Fong took the Chi Yuen out of action and 
guided her into shallow water, where she ran down 
and sank the sister Chinese ship Yung Wei, most 
of whose crew of 250 were drowned. For this act 
Fong was beheaded when he returned to Port 
Arthur later. The Kwang Kai took to flight and 
ran upon a reef in Talienwan Bay, wdiere the 
Japanese found and destroyed her afterward. The 



96 THE OHINESE" JAPANESE WAR. 

Chao Yung also ran aground and was set on fire by 
Japanese shells. The Akitsushima and Yoshino 
made a sudden attack on the starboard side of the 
Chinese line followed by three torpedo boats. But 
the Ting Yuen and Chao Yung stopped the tor- 
pedoes with nets and beat off the Japanese cruisers, 
which were badly battered. Despite their heavy 
losses, the Chinese fleet succeeded in preventing the 
Japanese from breaking through and attacking the 
transports. The battle raged fiercely from 1 P. M. 
until darkness set in, when the Japanese fleet, 
though it had crushed the sea power of China, with- 
drew, too much battered to follow up its victory. 
In the entire combat the Japanese lost but 40 killed 
and 160 wounded, while the Chinese lost over ten 
times as many. 

The Chinese fleet having been crushed and the 
Chinese army defeated at Pingyang, the Japanese 
organized a flying column of troops to secure the 
mountain passes of northern Korea preparatory to 
marching into Chinese territory by that route. 
The Chinese general Sung Kwei had posted 15,000 
soldiers along the Yalu and 6000 as a reserve in 
the fortified city of Kiu Lien Cheng. The key to his 
position was Hu Shan, where he constructed strong 
intrenchments and stationed nearly 100 cannon 
with a force of 6000 men. On October 25 a 
Japanese army 1 7,000 strong attacked Hu Shan in 
the usual way simultaneously on the front, flanks 
and rear. The Chinese position was soon carried, 



THE CHINESE- JAPANESE WAH. 9? 

its defenders leaving 700 dead on the field and the 
victors losing but 33 killed and 112 wounded. 
Carrying most of their guns the Chinese retreated 
to Chin Lien, 30 miles north of the Yalu. A stand 
was made by General Sung at Kiu Lien Cheng, but 
he, too, met a bloody defeat, losing 200 killed, while 
but 20 of the Japanese attacking force were killed. 
The Chinese were thus forced to evacuate all Korea. 

The Japanese now pressed on and invaded 
Manchuria, General Nodzu moving against Feng 
Huang Cheng, where the Chinese had collected for 
another stand. Nodzu attacked October 28 and 
again the Japanese won an easy victory. It had 
become plainly apparent that their superior tactics 
and marksmanship were far more than a match for 
the Chinese, whose bravery could not compensate 
for their ignorance of the modern art of war, 
Lieutenant-General Knei Hsiang, father of the 
emperor's wife, took the direction of the defenses 
of Manchuria and hurried fresh brigades of raw 
coolies to the front. These coolies, as usual, were 
insufficiently fed, poorly equipped and not certain 
of getting their pay. 

General Ma encamped at Sinyen with 20,000 
Chinese, who were attacked November 11 by Japa- 
nese under General Oseko and put to flight. The 
Chinese made several stands of lesser importance 
but were defeated in every case. 

Port Arthur, the powerful fortress at the end 
of the Liao-Tung peninsula, which Russia has since 
7 



98 THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 

gotten possession of, became an object of attack by 
the Japanese. An army of 30,000 men was col- 
lected at Hiroshima, where the Japanese emperor, 
Mutsuhito, established his headquarters as com- 
mander-in-chief. This army sailed October 23 on 
38 transports, escorted by the fleet. It was com- 
manded by Field Marshal Count Oyama, who had 
been released from his duties as minister of war to 
take a billet in the field. The troops landed at Honen 
Ku, 85 miles northeast of Port Arthur and attacked 
on November 4 the forts at Kinchau, which were 
promptly captured, the 1500 Chinese defenders 
making but a feeble defense. In a few days the 
six forts at Talienwan were attacked from the rear 
after a bombardment and were captured with a 
rush, the garrison of 3000 men running away after 
firing a few shots and leaving their arms and 
standards as they fled toward Port x4.rthur. The 
Chinese force at Port Arthur consisted of 15,000 
men, who were not trusted by their commander, being 
composed, as usual, of coolies. He sent to Tientsin 
for reinforcements and Prince Kung, who was then 
in control, grudgingly gave him 2000 men. Kung 
had displaced Li Hung Chang, who had fallen 
into disfavor at Pekin as a result of the Chinese 
reverses and had been deprived of his yellow 
jacket — the royal color — his peacock feather and 
other marks of distinction. 

Despite the weakness of the coolie army, some 
of the preparations for defending Port Arthur 



THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 99 

showed considerable skill. The hills were lined 
with dynamite, connected with underground electric 
wires. General Oyama became aware of these 
mines and advanced his troops with extreme cau- 
tion, being thus able to escape a serious catastrophe. 

At noon on November 20 the attack on Port 
Arthur began. The Japanese fleet and land batte- 
ries fired simultaneously. For a time the artillery 
duel was terrific. Some Chinese gunners who had 
been trained served the Armstrong and Krupp can- 
non skillfully. The Chinese infantry made a sortie 
in three columns and brought the Japanese advance 
guard to a standstill at one time, but Oyama sent 
up more artillery and the Chinese were driven back. 
The battle raged November 20, 21 and 22, and 
ended in the complete success of the Japanese, who 
lost but 250 in killed and wounded. The Chinese 
loss was 2000. 

In Port Arthur 80 cannon, quantities of torpe- 
does, 10,000 tons of coal, and an enormous supply 
of rice were captured. Some of the vessels which 
had been disabled in the battle of the Yalu were 
found in the Chinese docks, and these the victors 
repaired and converted to their own use. The re- 
paired battleship Chen Yuen had started from Wei 
Hai Wei for the purpose of aiding in the defense of 
Port Arthur, but before clearing the harbor of Wei 
Hai Wei she accidentally ran upon a sunken torpedo, 
which exploded. Commodore Lin, her commander, 
who had fought heroically in the Yalu battle, ran 

tLofC. 



loo THE CHINESE- JAPANESE WAR. 

his ship upon the beach to prevent her from sinking 
and then committed suicide. 

Meanwhile the laud advance into Manchuria 
was going on. The reserves of a new Japanese 
army corps were mobilized and landed on the shore 
of Liao-Tung gulf near Kinchau. Communica- 
tion was established with the first army, which was 
rapidly moving through Manchuria towards Niu 
Chwang. Two Chinese armies tried to keep these 
corps separated but without success. Winter was 
on, and snow covered the ground, rendering the 
military operations extremely difficult. 

At Kungwasai one of the most desperate battles 
of the war was fought December 19. The Chinese 
were posted there in a strongly intrenched position 
which, from the nature of the ground, was not open 
to Japanese attack in the flanks and rear. General 
Osaka had a larger army and a considerable number 
of cannon, so he decided on a frontal attack. His 
fire was hotly returned when he advanced and his 
men were driven back with heavy loss, mitrailleuses 
having suddenly opened on them. A second assault 
was attempted and another repulse was the result. 
Japanese reinforcements finally arrived and Kung- 
wasai was captured by the fourth charge of the 
Japanese in the face of a galling fire. They lost 
450 men, while the Chinese loss, including pris- 
oners, was 900. 

The year 1894 ended in gloom for China. Prince 
Kung had done no better in the management of the 



THE CHINESE- JAPANESE WAK. 101 

war thaa Li Hung Chang, if as well, and he was 
replaced by Liu Kun Yi, viceroy of Canton, who 
was directed to organize the defense of the province 
of Pechili, in which Pekin is situated. 

On January 17, 1895, two Chinese armies about 
14,000 strong attacked a strong body of Japanese 
who were intrenched at Hai-Tcheng. The attack 
was a failure, the Chinese losing Generals Cheng 
and Tai, their two commanders, and being driven oflF 
with the loss of five cannon. Five days later the 
Chinese attacked the same place again and suffered 
a second repulse. On February 16 a Chinese 
army of 16,000 men made a third attack but the 
superior artillery fire of the Japanese won the day. 
Two more assaults on the same position failed to 
carry it, as General Nodzu, the Japanese com- 
mander, seemed to be prepared for all emergencies. 

In the second week of January a third army 
25,000 strong, sailed from Japan and landed in the 
Chinese province of Shantung for an attack on Wei 
Hai Wei. Marshal Oyuma was in command and 
the powerful Chinese fortress was captured by the 
same tactics which had been successful at Port 
Arthur. A Japanese fleet of 20 cruisers and gun- 
boats, and an equal number of torpedo boats, 
cooperated. The invaders occupied the land forts 
February 2. The Chinese fleet which had massed 
in the bay of Wei Hai Wei held out longer, sur- 
rendering 14 days afterward when most of its shij)s 



102 THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 

had been captured or destroyed. Admiral Ting, 
the Chinese commander, committed suicide. 

The Japanese array in Manchuria attacked and 
captured the important city of Niu Chwang, March 4, 
losing 206 killed and wounded. The Chinese left on 
the field 1,880 killed and wounded, and 18 cannon. 

The capture of Niu Chwang and Wei Hai Wei 
imminently threatened Pekin, but the capital was 
not to fall. The Chinese government saw the hope- 
lessness of further resistance and sent Li Hung 
Chang, who was once more called to serve his 
country in a critical time, to conclude terms of 
peace. Accompanied by John W. Foster, a well- 
known American diplomatic expert, as consultor 
and adviser, Li landed at Shimoueseki, Japan, 
March 19, 1895, and there the treaty of peace was 
drawn up. Marquis Ito being the Mikadoes prin- 
cipal representative in the negotiations. While Li 
was returning from one of the conferences at Shi- 
moueseki, Koyama, a Japanese patriot of the fanat- 
ical order, attempted to assassinate him. A bullet 
struck the famous Chinese statesman in the face, 
inflicting a serious wound. Nothing daunted, Li 
waited for the wound to heal and then resumed 
the negotiations. 

On April 17, 1895, the treaty of Shimoueseki 
w^as signed by Li Hung Chang and Li Ching Fong 
on behalf of China and by Marquis Ito and Vis- 
count Mutsu on behalf of Japan. (^The complete 
independence of Korea was recognized. China 



THE CHINESE- JAPANESE WAR. 103 

ceded to Japan the island of Formosa^ the Pesoa- 
dore islands, and the part of Manchuria which the 
Japanese troops had occupied, including Port Arthur. 
A war indemnity of about $150,000,000 was to be 
paid by China. Wei Hai Wei was to be tempor- 
arily occupied by Japan as a guarantee to secure 
the payment of this sum. China agreed to open 
to commerce the ports of Shashih, Chung King, 
Suchau and Hangchau.> In this form the treaty 
was ratified by both China and Japan, though at 
first there was great opposition to it at Pekin on 
the ground that it made too many concessions. 

But Asia was not to settle the terms of peace in 
final form, for Europe stepped in and by a show of 
force gobbled the chief plums. On April 23, 1895, 
the Russian, German and French ministers at Tokio 
presented a joint note to the Japanese government 
protesting against the cession of the Liao-Tung 
peninsula, which embraced the extent of Japan^s 
gains in Manchuria. The protest was made on the 
ground that Japanese possession of the peninsula 
would constitute a serious menace to Pekin and to 
the independence of Korea, thus being detrimental 
to the lasting peace of the Orient. Each of these 
three countries, particularly Russia, made a show of 
force, and as Japan had been greatly weakened by 
her conflict with China she felt that she could not 
afford to fight this formidable coalition. Finally, 
Russia sent an ultimatum and Japan agreed to 
abandon the peninsula on the payment of about 



104 THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 

120,000,000 extra indemnity by China. Paris and 
St. Petersburg bankers, with the guarantee of the 
Russian government, gave China a loan to enable 
her to meet the first installment of the indem- 
nity. 

Russia was now on the best of terms with Pekin 
and had the powerful backing of Li Hung Chang. 
She was regarded as the friend who had enabled 
the Chinese to recover the Liao-Tung peninsula. 
Soon a surprise was sprung. In the summer of 
1896, a secret treaty with China was arranged by 
Count Cassini, then the Russian Minister at Pekin. 
According to its terms, Russia secured a virtual lease 
of Port Arthur and Talienwan and the authority to 
make Port Arthur the terminus of the Siberian 
railroad, with concessions for building brancli lines 
of the Russian system in Manchuria. Immediate 
steps to this end were taken, Russia assuming pos- 
session of both the leased ports and of important 
strategic positions in Manchuria. The treaty was 
strengthened by subsequent negotiations until Russia 
was given secure possession of the district of Port 
Arthur and Talienwan, with control of Manchuria. 
She did this ostensibly for the protection of her 
railroad interests and China^s, which were linked 
together in the treaty. Later, Russia began secret 
moves for taking practical possession of Mongolia 
in which province, however, her influence is not yet 
so pronounced as in Manchuria. She preserves the 
nominal sovereignity of the Pekin government 



THE CHINESE- JAPANESE WAR. 105 

wherever she goes in China and where she takes 
practical possession it is done under this guise. 

Germany also stepped in. The war with Japan 
and its developments had immensely stimulated the 
feeling against foreigners in China and in 1897 two 
German missionaries were murdered in Shantung 
province. As reparation for this Germany took 
possession of Kiaochau^ a strong seaport and 
natural fortress on the eastern coast of Shantung. 
Later Germany claimed the entire province as her 
"sphere of influence ^^ and obtained preferential 
rights for Germans there. She was at length given 
definite control of Kiaochau and a large adjacent 
tract by treaty. 

England had her eye on Wei Hai Wei as an 
offset to Port Arthur and on April 2, 1898, the 
Chinese government agreed to lease it to her. The 
first installments of the war indemnity being paid, 
Japan withdrew her troops from Wei Hai Wei. 
Great Britain also obtained a cession of additional 
territory in the Kowlun district which was added 
to Hong Kong. 

France took a slice of the pie. She demanded in 
April, 1898, and received a lease of Kwangchau 
Bay, in Southern China, a concession for a railroad 
connecting Tonkin with Yunnan-Fu by way of the 
Red river ; an agreement by China not to alienate 
the territories of the Chinese provinces bordering on 
the French possessions in Tonkio, and not to cede 
the island of Hainan to any other power. 



106 THE CHINESE-JAPANESE WAR. 

Italy demanded, on Februarj 28, 1899, a lease of 
San Mun Bay, on the eastern coast of China, but 
the Pekin government refused this and Italy did 
not press the demand, though she has not withdrawn 
it. England supported Italy in this question. 

(All this created great alarm, akin to panic, among 
Chinamen, and paved the way for the outbreak of 
the Boxers. Right before their eyes was the spec- 
tacle of Europe parcelling out the empire, as if it 
were a ^^ plum-cake/^ to quote the phrase of one 
observant statesman. Was this to continue? asked 
the Chinese. Were their government, their civili- 
zation, their property, but a pawn upon the inter- 
national chess board? In this supreme moment of 
their nation's history their wrath fell upon the mis- 
sionaries, whom they firmly regarded as the advance 
agents of fleets, armies and grasping diplomats, tlie 
authors of their undoing. No wonder that in this 
state of feeling, blood was to flow in streams. \ 



CHAPTER V. 
The Railway as a Conqueror in Asia. 

IT may almost be said that Asia can^ hear its 
doom in the scream of the locomotive's whistle. 
Nowhere else in the world does the railway play 
such an important part in settling the destiny of a 
continent. The railway in Asia is not only an 
instrument of peace^ but a weapon of war and a 
tool of diplomacy. The Cape-to-Cairo project in 
Africa is the nearest analogy to it, but the map of 
Africa will be made up long before that road is 
completed. In Asia, however, the changes of 
international boundaries wait upon the march of 
the all-conquering monarch, King Railroad. 

Take a map of the continent upon which the 
rail lines are shown and you will see the Siberian 
system of roads, like a great steel hand, reaching 
out to take it in a grasp which is not to be relaxed. 
To the astute advisers of the czar is credit due for 
foreseeing the wonderful possibilities of the railway 
in controlling the future of Asia. In their cabinet 
chambers at St. Petersburg they originated a tre- 
mendous scheme for building a series of roads, all 
parts of the same immense whole, which would 
give them the mastery of the continent. This 

107 



108 THE RAILWAY AS A CX)]S[QUEROR. 

scheme has dawned on the world gradually, and is 
yet in its infancy as far as its practical accomplish- 
ment goes, though great changes have been made 
already. It has two objects, both open and avowed. 
One is to divert the trade of Asia from the seacoast 
inland to Russia. The other is to extend Russian 
domination over any part of the continent which 
the Czar tnay choose to take. Russia reasons that 
in the past the European nation which has con- 
trolled the trade of Asia has been the leading power 
in the world, and she aspires to attain that distinc- 
tion by means of the railroad. If the Russians 
are not sailors, they can at least be tireless railroad 
builders and work out a destiny which may put 
that of the maritime nations in the shade. 

China, as the richest prize, engaged the first 
attention of the Czar. To win her when the time 
comes, Russia must be able to hurl immense masses 
of troops quickly to her borders. The route by 
sea from Russia's strip of coast on the Baltic is 
impracticable for this. The railway route eastward 
through the heart of Siberia is practicable and to 
this Russia has turned. 

When the project was first undertaken it was 
announced that the eastern terminus of the road 
was to be Vladivostock, on the Pacific, at the 
extreme southeastern dip of Siberia. This would 
have served the purposes of war but not of com- 
merce, and Russia wanted it to serve both. Vladi- 
vostock, though a good natural harbor and capable 



THE RAILWAY AS A CONQUEEOE. 109 

of almost impregnable fortification^ is ice-locked for 
several months of the year. Port Arthur, further 
south, at the northern side of the Gulf of Pechili 
and in Chinese territory, was the ideal site for the 
terminus. No wonder Russia joined France and 
Germany, at the close of the Chinese-Japanese war, 
in ^^ advising ^^ Japan not to retain Port Arthur, 
which she had conquered, for fear that it might 
lead to serious complications and menace the integ- 
rity of China. 

Soon after the Japanese troops had withdrawn, 
Russia had obtained Port Arthur and the near-by 
harbor of Talienwan under the guise of a lease from 
China. She proceeded with equal promptness to 
fortify the former and to equip it with handsome 
and costly buildings suitable for every purpose of a 
military and commercial centre. Japan looked on in 
amazement and rage, but it was too late. " What 
are you going to do about it ? ^^ asked Russia, Ger- 
many and France. And Japan did nothing. 

Though the railroad had been partly constructed 
from Vladivostock northward there was an imme- 
diate change of plan so as to divert the principal 
eastern terminus to Port Arthur. This has now 
been almost accomplished. Except for a stretch of 
a few hundred miles in Manchuria, the road is 
ready. In its hasty construction it has not been 
made suitable for a regular service of fast trains 
over its entire length, but it can haul soldiers and 
supplies, and that is the main point to be gained by 



110 THE RAILWAY AS A CONQUEROR. 

the Czar at first. Over the part of the route as yet 
uncompleted is maintained a gigantic caravan ser- 
vice, which in time of sudden emergency can bridge 
the gap. In the last six months, with war in Asia 
as an imminent probability, from 50,000 to 100,000 
Chinese coolies have been constantly employed in 
the work of construction. By the autumn of 1900, 
if present plans can be carried out, the road will be 
ready for war uses. In 1902, it is proposed, the 
line shall be ready for a through passenger and 
freight service from St. Petersburg to Vladivostock 
and Port Arthur by way of the growing towns in 
the fertile section of Central Siberia. Already there 
has been a great spur to immigration into Siberia 
as a result of the possibilities of the situation de- 
veloped by the portion of the road so far completed. 
Several hundred thousand Russians emigrate there 
every year, besides a not inconsiderable number of 
fortune seekers from other parts of the world. 
Siberia is a fine wheat country and contains an 
almost inexhaustible store of minerals beneath her 
soil. Except in the extreme northern portion, the 
climate is suitable for outdoor work. The railroad 
has been the making of the country. To aid in 
removing the stain from Siberia's reputation, the 
czar has decreed the end of banishment to that 
country as a penalty. Numerous branches are being 
constructed or projected as ramifications from the 
central line of rails extending through Siberia, and 



THE RAILWAY AS A CONQUEROR. Ill 

this will facilitate the purposes both of peace and 
of war. 

The Trans-Caspian system of railways, stretching 
through central Asia by way of the Caspian sea and 
connecting with Moscow and St. Petersburg, is 
perhaps destined to be even greater in its influence 
on the continent than the Siberian system. Already 
it is completed almost to the border of Mongolia. 
If Russia gets fixed possession of northern and central 
China, she proposes to extend this line right through 
the heart of the Chinese empire to Pekin, thus 
paralleling the Siberian railroad about 800 miles 
to the south and making a more nearly direct and 
a shorter route from Europe to Pekin. 

While the Siberian railroad may be said to be 
the Czar's eye in watching China, it is through the 
Trans-Caspian system that he watches Persia, Afg- 
hanistan and India. Rails are laid to Kuskh, on 
the northern border of Afghanistan, 50 miles from 
Herat, and a supply of them is kept constantly 
ready at Kuskh to extend the line to Herat in a 
few days when the emergency comes. It is through 
this gateway that Russia proposes to invade India, 
if at all. 

Though China is networked with railway projects, 
few of them have yet reached the stage of actual 
realization. The lines in operation up to the 
time of the present crisis may be described as 
follows : 



112 THE EAILWAY AS A CONQUEROR. 

Miles. 

Imperial Chinese railway, extending from Pekin 
east and northeast via Tientsin and Tongku, 
on the Gulf of Pechili, to a connection with 
the Port Arthur line 367 

Branches. 40 

Belgian Line — From near Pekin southwest to 

Paoting 78 

Branch 10 

Total track.. 495 

The principal lines for which concessions have 
been secured or were recently being sought may be 
described as follows, the proposed mileage being 
estimated in round numbers : 

Miles. 
Chinese Eastern Railway — From Port Arthur to 
the Eussian boundary, for a connection with 
the Trans-Siberian Railway (Chinese-Rus- 
sian) 1,000 

Branch to y lad ivostock 400 

Extension from Kinchau north 100 

Pekin-Hankau Line (Belgian) 700 

Hankow-Canton Line (American) ,. 700 

Tientsin-Shanghai Line (German) 700 

Shanghai-Hongkong-Canton project (British)... 900 

Shanghai to Nanking, etc. (British) 200 

Chengtoo, capital of province of Szechuan, to 

Canton Line 800 

Canton west to the Burmah boundary (to con- 
nect with British -Indian system via Man- 

dalay and Calcutta). 1,0C0 

East and west lines in western coal and iron 

regions (British, American and Italian) 500 

South China — Several projects (French) 500 

Total 7,500 



THE RAILWAY AS A CONQUEROR. 113 

Ample American capital is backing the proposed 
road which is to connect Hankau with Canton. In 
connection with the line from Pekin to Hankau and 
with those stretching north of Pekin, it will form a 
continuous route from St. Petersburg to Canton. A 
preliminary survey for this road was completed in 
1899. Hankau is one of the largest and busiest 
cities in China. It contains more than a million 
inhabitants, and is situated on the great Yangtzeki- 
ang, 500 miles above Shanghai, which is at the 
river's mouth. Belgian capital, which is believed 
to be associated with Russian, is behind the Pekin- 
Hankau project. 

The railway-political moves have also extended 
to Asia Minor. Roughly speaking, the Sultan has 
granted to the Germans a railway ^^ sphere ^^ in 
Western Asia Minor, and to the Russians similar 
privileges in the Eastern section. Both the German 
and Russian lines in that quarter are partly con- 
structed and are expected to play a big part when 
the time for the division of the Turkish dominions 
comes. The czar's latest scheme is for a railway 
through Persia to Bunder-Abbas, on the Persian 
gulf. 



8 



CHAPTER VI. 

Four Notable Characters in China : — The 

Empress Dov^ager, The Emperor, 

Li Hung Chang and 

Kang Yu Wei. 

LIKE Elizabeth of England and Catherine of 
Russia, Tzi-hsi, dowager empress of China, 
rules millions of subjects as one born to rule. 
The influence of her strong personality is felt 
around the whole world. All who come in con- 
tact with her admit the powerful grasp of her 
mind, commanding the most intricate details of the 
government of her immense empire and the schemes, 
ambitions and methods of the world-powers that 
seek to appropriate it for their own. Diplomats 
who have had their selfish projects thwarted by her 
deep penetration and vigor of decision and action, 
have expressed some uncomplimentary opinions 
about her. Correspondents, magazine writers, and 
historians, belonging to nations which are none too 
friendly to China, have painted her character from 
their own points of view. But all, whatever de- 
merits they ascribe to her, join in bearing witness 
to the fact that she is one of the most remarkable 
women of her time. 
114 




The Empress Dowager of China. 

(From a Chinese water color.) 



FOUR NOTABLE CHARACTEES. 115 

Tzi-hsi is a masterful woman. Though she 
listens to her advisers, she acts on her own resolu- 
tions, dominating by the force of her personality the 
princes and mandarins of the palace. She is a 
patriot through and through. As Elizabeth was 
English to the core and Catherine Russian, so is 
Tzi-hsi a Chinese in every fibre of her being. 
She typifies in herself the character of her country^s 
people. Reverencing the past in the same spirit in 
which she worships her ancestors, she would keep 
China for the Chinese and preserve its historic 
civilization forever.) The future may prove that 
her policy was short-sighted. At least it can be 
said that she was consistent in it and pursued it with 
a vigor little short of marvellous. 

The reign of Tzi-hsi has fallen on troublous 
times. The steamship and the railway have 
brought the outer world at China^s doors, and the 
cry of the foreigner is for the possession of the 
ancient empire. The keenest wits among Europe^s 
diplomats have been matched against that of Tzi- 
hsi. Bent by nature only on the administration of 
her own dominion, she has been compelled to make 
foreign relations a daily problem. It was an ordeal 
from which a man might have shrunk. To match 
intellects with the world was a task to appall. But 
Tzi-hsi has met the situation boldly and if her 
cause goes down she will go with it. 
^This remarkable woman is now 63 years old. 
She is the daughter of a mandarin, but became an 



116 FOUR NOTABLE CHARACTERS. 

attendant — practically a slave — in the palace of 
Emperor Hien Fung. In youth she was beautiful 
and her charms fascinated the Celestial monarch. 
She became one of his wives and her career was 
made. Politics was her delight and at last she 
could influence the mind of the Emperor himself. 

QBEien Fung died in 1861 and Tzi-hsi took another 
step upward. Her son, the boy emperor, was then 
but six years old. She and Tzi-An, the two princi- 
pal widows of Hien Fung, were proclaimed joint 
regents. They governed until 1873, when the boy 
emperor came of age according to Chinese law. 
But Tzi-hsi^s absence from power was brief, for her 
son, Emperor Tung-che, died two years later and 
she contrived to grasp again the reins she had laid 
down. She and Tzi-An once more assumed the 
regency, ignoring the claims of Ah-lu-te, widow of 
Tung-che. The death of Ah-lu-te soon occurred, 
and was ascribed to suicide. Some have charged 
that she was poisoned by the ambitious Tzi-hsi, but 
proof in such a case is naturally lacking and the 
stories of the alleged murder were largely of foreign 
origin. 

There being no heir to the throne after the death 
of Tung-Che, the selection of a ruler, under Chinese 
custom, devolved upon the head of the imperial 
family. The two empresses, by decree, announced 
that their choice was Tsai Tien, then — in 1875 — 
only four years old. ; Each emperor of China always 
assumes a new name on being elevated to the throne. 




KUANG Hsu, 
EMPEROR OF CHINA. 



FOUR NOTABLE CHARACTEES. 117 

The name bestowed on Tsai Tien was Kuang Hsu, j 
and he it is who is the present emperor of China. 

In 1881 Tzi-An died and then Tzi-hsi became 
sole ruler. Here was the realization of her dream. 
Her power was supreme and there was none to say 
her nay. She bent her energy to reorganizing her 
court and to the internal development of China, 
lopping oflF foreign innovations here and there, and 
going back to the revered customs of the fore- 
fathers. 

Kuang Hsu came of age in 1889, after the 
empress dowager had reigned alone eight years. 
The dowager nominally retired, but was still re- 
garded as the real ruler of China. Her influence 
was repeatedly made manifest in edicts which the 
young emperor admitted having issued under her 
instructions. For a time the emperor submitted to 
her dictation without question. Then occurred a 
clash and he came off second best. 

Though they had gotten along so agreeably for 
years, there was a radical difference between the 
bent of the dowager and the young emperor. She 
was a conservative, he a reformer ; she was strong 
in mind and body, he was lacking in aggressiveness 
and a prey to ill health ; she was ambitious and 
determined, he was modest and given to concession. 
In the early part of the decade just passed, reform- 
ers began to surround the young emperor. They 
had learned from Japan and were anxious for China 
to emulate the ways of the west. The emperor 



118 FOUR NOTABLE CHARACTERS. 

finally became a full pledged reformer. He pro- 
posed to remodel China. The younger literati and 
mandarins ardently espoused his cause. A number 
of influential merchants in the provinces and not a 
few high officials at Pekin joined in. The conserv- 
atives were in great alarm. To whom could they 
turn but to their leader who had sat on the throne, 
the powerful dowager Tzi-hsi? She was willing 
to lead again. 

Once more did Tzi-hsi assert her old influence 
over the emperor whom she had governed in child- 
hood. So completely did she gain the ascendancy 
that on September 22, 1898, she openly took the 
reins of power in pursuance of an edict issued in the 
emperor's name declaring his lack of capacity and 
begging her to assume control. Six of the men who 
had been prominent in supporting his schemes of 
reform were beheaded. Kang Yu Wei, the most 
active and prominent of them all, escaped to Hong 
Kong. A price of $50,000 was put on his head, 
but he managed to keep out of range of the dow- 
ager's wrath. 

Tzi-hsi was now in complete control, but she was 
not content even then. She wanted not only to 
rule China w^hile she lived, but to select the heir to 
the throne. Light is thrown upon her remarkable 
ascendancy over the emperor by the following edict 
issued in January of the present year announcing 
the selection of the heir, the edict being promul- 
gated over the emperor's own name : 



FOUR NOTABLE CHARACTERS. 119 

" While yet in our infancy we were by grace of the Emperor 
Tung-Che chosen to succeed him in the heavy responsibilities 
of head of the whole Empire, and when his Majesty died we 
sought day and night to be deserving of such kindness by 
energy and faithfulness in our duties. We were also indebted 
to the Empress Dowager, who taught and cherished us assidu- 
ously, and to her we owe our safety to the present day. Now, 
be it also known that when we were selected to the throne it 
was then agreed that if ever we should have a son, that son 
should be proclaimed heir to the throne. But ever since last 
year [1898] we have been constantly ill, and it was for this 
reason that, in the eighth month of that year, the Empress 
Dowager graciously acceded to our urgent prayers, and took 
over the reins of government in order to instruct us in our 
duties. A year has now passed, and still we find ourselves 
an invalid, but ever keeping in our mind that we do not belong 
to the direct line of succession, and that, for the sake of the 
safety of the Empire of our ancestors, a legal heir should be 
selected to the throne, we again prayed the Empress Dowager 
to carefully choose from amongst the members of the Imperial 
Clan such a one ; and this she has done in the person of Pu 
Chun, son of Tsai Yi, Prince Tuan. W^e hereby command 
accordingly that Pu Chun, the son of TsalXU Ht^^ce XuaflU-Jie 
made heir to the late Emperor Tung-Chie^. 

lit has been charged that the dowager is in sym- 
pathy with the boxers, and that to her was due the 
fact that they were not suppressed at the inception 
of their organization. As far as sympathizing with 
the general proposition of holding China for the 
Chinese is concerned, this is doubtless true. That 
she has gone further and connived at massacres and 
outlawry will be difficult to prove. No official act 
of the Chinese government, which she actively 
directs, can as yet be cited in support of this charge. > 



120 FOUR NOTABLE CHARACTERS. 

The story of the dowager empress' life, as just 
narrated, Is so interwoven with the brief career of 
Emperor Kuang Hsu that little remains to be told 
of him. He is now 29 years old. Of his personal 
appearance Col. Charles Denby, late United States 
minister to China, said that he was small and deli- 
cate looking, but that his eye was keen and he 
seemed bright and intelligent. An English official 
who was present at one of the rare imperial audi- 
ences to foreigners thus describes the sovereign : 

^^His air is one of exceeding intelligence and 
gentleness, somewhat frightened and melancholy 
looking. His face is pale, and though it is distin- 
guished by refinement and quiet dignity it has none 
of the force of his martial ancestors, nothing com- 
manding or imperial. He is essentially Manchu in 
feature, his face oval-shaped, with a long, narrow 
chin.^^ 

Kuang Hsu's marriage, which took place in 
1889, was a magnificent ceremonial and is said to 
have cost over $5,000,000. The dowager empress 
even carried her control over him to the extent of 
selecting his bride. The conditions were simple. 
It was not necessary for the bride to be of princely 
blood, but she must be of a Manchu family. The 
choice fell upon Yeh-ho-na-lao, niece of the dowager 
and daughter of Knei Hsiang, a Manchu general. 
She was selected from among several hundred can- 
didates, who were summoned to the palace and 
inspected by the dowager and high court digni- 



FOUR NOTABLE CHARACTERS. 121 

taries. As previously stated, there has been no 
issue of this marriage. 

And now a few words as to China^s " grand old 
man.^^ General Grant's oft-quoted remark that the 
only three men he met in his trip around the world 
who impressed him as truly great were Bismarck, 
Gladstone and Li Hung Chang affords a clue to 
the estimation in which the greatest of China^s 
statesmen is held. At this moment, though he is 
82 years old, his native country turns to him and 
he has been summoned from his highly important 
post as viceroy of Canton to proceed to Pekin and 
consult with the empress dowager as to the best 
way of restoring unhappy China to the peace that 
once prevailed. He has held, next to the throne, 
supreme power in China longer than any other man 
in the present century. In an extraordinary degree 
he has impressed the force of his character upon 
the people of the west. 

Vigor in mind and body are combined in Li 
Hung Chang. He is six feet two inches tall, a 
height seldom reached by Chinamen, though in 
general they are by no means a small race. He 
wears a beard, one of the few things which the 
average Chinaman envies the Caucasian. Abstemi- 
ous in his habits, he has preserved good health 
through a long life filled with work that might 
break down many a younger man. 
^A conservative when judged by Western stan- 
dards, Li is vigorously progressive according to 



122 FOUR NOTABLE CHARACTERS. 

the view of the Chinese. He is tolerant toward 
missionaries and an ardent believer in modern 
methods so long as they are compatible with the 
peculiar character of Chinese civilization. More 
than any other Chinamen he understands the spirit 
of the Caucasian peoples. )> 

Li was born in South China of a good family. 
He studied indefatigably in youth and passed the 
civil service examinations with credit. The Tae- 
ping rebellion, a great upheaval in China, which 
is described in a separate chapter and which lasted 
from 1850 to 1864, first brought him into notable 
prominence. In the early sixties he had risen to 
be governor of the province of Kiang-Su, in which 
Shanghai is situated, and it was there that the 
rebellion reached one of its most active phases. 
He was the directing authority in the movements 
which, with " Chinese ^^ Gordon as the military 
leader, resulted in the final overthrow of the Tae- 
pings. Without detracting in any way from the 
credit due to Gordon as a soldier and a man, it is 
fair to Li Hung Chang to say that his administra- 
tive genius contributed in marked degree to the 
final success of the imperial cause. He even took 
the field himself at one time and showed soldierly 
qualities of a high order. 

In 1870 Li was promoted to be viceroy of 
Pechili, the metropolitan province of China. For 
24 years he remained in this position, becoming the 
guiding statesman of the realm and holding office 




Li Hung Chang. 



FOUR NOTABLE CHARACTERS. 123 

in the Grand Secretariat at Pekin. It was a criti- 
cal time for his country. Foreigners were pressing 
her on every side, demanding concessions and seek- 
ing to introduce radical innovations. Li yielded to 
them in many things, adopting some of their ideas 
as an improvement, but guarding the venerated 
civilization of China from rude shock and upheaval. 
A maxim which he laid down was : " Let us use 
foreigners, but do not let foreigners use us.^^ . He 
was quick to see the advantages of railroads and so 
far overcame the opposition to them at the palace 
that he was permitted to build some of them him- 
self. He established telegraph lines, opened and 
developed coal mines, founded academies for train- 
ing military and naval officers, constructed arsenals 
and fortifications, and bought modern warships. 
The intense conservatism of the Chinese system 
prevented him from reorganizing the army and 
navy as rapidly and successfully as Japan did, but 
he accomplished a great deal in that line.^ 

The war with Japan broke his power tempo- 
rarily. The palace at Pekin expected Li to win, 
though it had blocked some of his most practical 
plans for developing the empire^s war forces. 
When Japan began to gain victories, he was rapidly 
stripped of his honors. His jacket of yellow, the 
royal color, which he had been permitted to wear 
as a great mark of distinction, was taken from him, 
as were also his peacock feather and other decora- 



124 FOUR NOTABLE CHARACTERS. 

tions. Finally he was superseded in all of his 
offices and went into temporary retirement. 

When China at last saw that Japan had won, 
Li was called out again and sent to negotiate the 
treaty of peace. China, in her crisis, could not do 
without him. Though wounded by a would-be 
assassin at the outset of his negotiations, he recovered 
and acted as China's representative throughout the 
framing of the treaty, the crafty Marquis Ito rep- 
resenting Japan. These two intellects were a good 
match when pitted against each other. Li, by his 
diplomatic finesse, was enabled to get exceptionally 
good terms for his country, but the concessions he 
made offended Pekin's pride and at the conclusion 
of the treaty he was again sent into retirement. 
Foreign representatives at Pekin persuaded the 
government to accept the treaty as the best arrange- 
ment that could be made under the circumstances. 
Li remained in retirement until the coronation 
of the Czar, when he was sent to St. Petersburg 
as China's representative. He made a tour of the 
world, visiting the United States in 1896 and creat- 
ing great interest in this country. Many of his 
witty remarks were widely quoted. He had a great 
habit of asking questions and gained vastly more 
information than he gave during his visit. 

A decade ago Li was considered the richest man 
in the world, but it is said that some of the South 
African Croesuses have surpassed him. His wealth 
has been estimated as high as $500,000,000, but he 



FOUR NOTABLE CHARACTERS. 125 

takes good care not to let even the approximate 
extent of it be authentically known. He has made 
part of it in railroads and mines^ and for years 
was in receipt of great emoluments from the 
Pekin government. Extraordinary natural ability 
in finance has enabled him to make his money 
multiply itself. He has been accused of receiving 
pay from foreign governments for services he 
rendered them as a Chinese official, but this, of 
course, cannot be proven. 

< Kang Yu Wei, the leading reformer of China, is 
in many respects one of the most interesting charac- 
ters of the empire. Though born of humble parents, 
his unusual intelligence and energy won him the 
confidence and esteem of Emperor Kuang Hsu. It 
was he who chiefly encouraged in the young mon- 
arch the dreams of reform. He even persuaded the 
emperor to issue a series of radical edicts, establish- 
ing the right of petition and the freedom of the 
press. In cooperation with a Presbyterian mis- 
sionary in Pekin, he published a paper called Chinese 
Progress which was the avowed advocate of an era 
of reform. 

We have already seen how the dowager empress 
put an end to all this by resuming the reins of 
power. One cause of Kang Yu Wei^s downfall 
was his enmity to Russia. His influence is said to 
have been responsible for the granting of Wei Hai 
Wei to England soon after Russia leased Port 
Arthur. He threw himself into the breach in 



126 FOUR NOTABLE CHARACTERS. 

opposition to many Russian plans, and the enmity 
of the Czar's representative at Pekin contributed in 
no small measure to his undoing. 

When the dowager resumed power in 1898, 
Kang Yu Wei was warned by the young emperor 
and Sir Claude MacDonald, the British Minister at 
Pekin, to flee for his life. He took the hint and 
escaped on a ship from Tientsin to Hong Kong, 
where he was in British territory. Both there and 
in Japan, to which country he went later, several 
attempts were made upon his life and he was forced 
to disguise himself with a false beard. Taking ship 
for Vancouver, B. C, he went by rail to Washing- 
ton and then took a trip to some of the capitals of 
Europe, carefully avoiding St. Petersburg. In 
October last he returned to Japan and then went to 
Singapore, where he was in July of the present 
year. Kang Yu Wei hopes that a turn of the 
wheel of fate will yet permit him to return to 
China and see the realization of his dreams of 
reform. He is now about 45 years old. \ 



CHAPTER VII. 
The Era of Foreign Interference. 

THE era of foieign interference in China may 
be said to have begun with the so-called 
" opium war ^' waged by the English in 1839-42. 
Previous to that time, and indeed, until 1861, all 
attempts to open regular diplomatic relations with 
the emperors proved abortive. When Catherine of 
Russia sent a mission to suggest to Emperor Keen 
Lung the desirability of maintaining a regular 
Russian agent at Pekin the emperor was so 
affronted that he refused to receive the envoy. 
China had no desire to mix in the affairs of the 
outside world. She considered that within the 
borders of the empire was sufficient for her and 
she would exact from Europe and America the 
same policy of non-interference which she prac- 
ticed with them. 

England had tried with indifferent success to 
open intercourse with the court of Pekin. In 
1792 she sent out the notable Macartney mission, 
headed by Lord Macartney, a peer of consider- 
able tact and ability. This mission was received 
by Keen Lung at his hunting lodge at Jehol, a 
small town north of the Great Wall. Keen Lung 

127 



128 FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 

was cordial in his greeting, but could be drawn 
into no promises regarding future concessions to 
be granted to England. 

Right here it is well to take into account that 
the first foreigners to gain a foothold in China 
were missionaries. The first of these missionaries 
were a small body of Jesuits from France, who 
arrived at Pekin in the latter part of the seven- 
teenth century. These poineers were especially 
selected for their piety, high attainments and tact. 
Emperor Kanghi, who was then on the throne, 
found that their knowledge of astronomy and 
natural science was beyond that of his country^s 
sages. He agreed that they should remain in Pekin, 
seeing in their learning a means of improving 
liis own empire, but he compelled them to promise 
that they would never return to Europe. 

For many years these Jesuits were denied the 
privilege of publicly practicing their religion. 
But in season and out of season, with equal tact 
and persistence, they continued to claim this boon. 
A.t last, in 1692, the tribunal of rites at Pekin 
gave a decision in their favor which has passed 
into history as the great charter of Christianity's 
rights in China. 

Emperor Kanghi was attracted to the Jesuits in 
no small degree by their medicinal skill. Soon 
after the tribunal of rites had declared that Chris- 
tians might publicly practice their religion in China 
he fell ill, and the Jesuits saved his life after his 



t'OEEIGN INTERFERENCE. l29 

own doctors had given up all hope. As a mark of 
gratitude the emperor presented to them a site for a 
church near his own palace and a considerable sum 
of money toward the cost of erecting the building. 

As the case stood, these early missionaries were 
merely enjoying the favor of an enlightened ruler and 
the mass of the Chinese people was strongly averse 
to any spread of their faith. But with the zeal of 
apostles the Jesuits w^orked for its extension. Even 
Kanghi himself, in his later years, took alarm at 
the unexpected success of the propaganda and issued 
an edict putting some restrictions on it. Neverthe- 
less the new faith grew steadily and with the 
development of missionary effort by the Protestant 
churches there w^as an influx of these advance agents 
of Christianity to China. Unfortunately the mis- 
sionaries injured their own cause by disagreeing 
among themselves owing to differences in dogma. 
But the new faith had taken root too firm to be 
uptorn. 

The saying that " the trader follows the mission- 
ary ^^ was strikingly exemplified. Dutch, English 
and Portuguese vessels began to develop a thriving 
trade w^ith the port of Canton and here again the 
suspicions and aversions of the Chinese were aroused. 
Especially was the idea of trade by sea with foreign 
nations repugnant to the Pekin authorities. They 
were willing to consent to the conduct of an over- 
land trade on a limited scale with Russia and 
formally acquiesced in such an arrangement at an 
9 



l30 FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 

interview with an envoy sent by Peter the Great in 
1719. But the idea of a large commerce on the 
seacoast was especially dreaded on account of the 
fact that foreign saliors, more reckless and per- 
haps less scrupulous than the caravan leaders, fre- 
quently disregarded the Chinese regulations imposed 
on commerce and sought to terrorize the local Chinese 
authorities. 

When Emperor Keen Lung ascended the throne 
in 1735 China in all her history of 4300 years had 
made but one treaty with a foreign power, and that 
with Russia. The Russians, semi-Asiatics them- 
selves, have always understood the Chinese better 
than any other power. A frontier collision had 
occurred on the Amur river, but it soon dwindled 
down to the stage of negotiations, the governments 
of St. Petersburg and Pekin having been friendly 
all the while. In 1688 the treaty of Nerchinsk — 
China's first formal agreement with any foreign 
power — settled the whole question, the Russians, 
with characteristically practical pertinacity, agreeing 
to the destruction of one of their forts, provided 
they were permitted to build another in an equally 
advantageous location. 

It was in 1802 when China first awoke to the 
real designs of the Europeans. Macao, an important 
district in Southeastern China, had been held by 
the Portuguese for some years, being rented from 
the Pekin government by the payment of an annual 
sum. The Napoleonic wars plunged all Europe into 



FOREIGN INTEEFEKENCE. 131 

complications, and in 1802 an English squadron 
seized Macao, remaining in forcible possession of it 
for a year. The treaty of Amiens provided for its 
restoration to Portugal ; but six years later the 
English again seized it. This thoroughly aroused 
the Chinese. They saw that European nations had 
no scruples in violating China's territorial rights 
when it served their own purposes. Strict orders 
were sent from Pekin to Canton to expel the for- 
eigners at all costs. 

The British government here became responsible 
for what is admitted to have been a serious blunder. 
When the Chinese in 1808 protested against the 
renewed occupation of Macao, Admiral Drury, the 
English naval commander on the scene, attempted 
to act in a summary manner. He said he would 
bring the Chinese officials at Canton to their senses, 
" for there is nothing in my instructions to prevent 
me from going to war with the Emperor of China. ^' 
So he started to sail up the river to Canton with 
the avowed intention of forcing his way to the city. 
But he found that the Chinese bad assembled a large 
fleet of war junks, and had planted a formidable 
force of cannon on the shore. When Drury came 
in sight of these defenses he hesitated, then sent a 
note asking a conference with the mandarin, which 
note was unanswered, and finally he beat a retreat. 
His conduct was doubly unfortunate, for it not only 
strengthened the suspicions of the Chinese as to 
European intentions but also gave them an exag- 



132 FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 

gerated belief in their own strength against the 
modern nations. 

The government at London was determined to 
maintain and enlarge an opening for its trade in 
China. A mission to Pekin was decided upon, and 
Lord Amherst was sent. He arrived at the mouth 
of the Peiho river in 1816. Proceeding to Pekin, 
he was informed immediately upon his arrival, after 
the journey of 78 miles from Tientsin, that the 
Emperor would see him at once. Instead of taking 
advantage of this opportunity. Lord Amherst sent 
word that he was not then prepared for the inter- 
view, pleading the fatigue of his party and the delay 
in the arrival of their uniforms and the presents 
for the monarch. The Emperor, in a rage, ordered 
that Amherst and those who accompanied him 
should be sent back to the coast at once. Thus 
ignominiously ended the British mission of 1816. 

China serenely pursued her own course until 
1834, from which year date the immediate causes 
leading up to the opium war. Up to that time 
British trade with China had remained, by royal 
charter, a monopoly of the East India Company, 
but now the government at London took the trade 
into its own hands. The East India Company 
understood the Chinese better than the political 
authorities of the British capital. The company 
had made mistakes, but had managed to build up 
a large commerce by following the safe policy of 
complying with Chinese methods and local regula- 



FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 133 

tions. London was determined to batter down the 
Chinese barrier, no matter what the cost. And we 
will see how this led to bloody wars. 

In 1834 a royal commission was gazetted, appoint- 
ing Lord Napier chief superintendent of trade with 
China. Lord Napier set out for Canton and sent 
a letter to the viceroy announcing his arrival in 
July of the same year. The letter was returned 
unopened, it being held that Lord Napier's busi- 
ness was properly with the Hoppo, in charge of the 
local trade and customs service. Had the viceroy 
received his letter it would have given him a diplo- 
matic status. Lord Napier was advised to remain 
at Macao until he had applied in the prescribed 
form for permission to proceed up the river. He 
disregarded these intimations and boldly went to 
Canton without them, only to find himself isolated 
in the English factory as soon as he had landed. 
The Chinese declared that their nation's dignity 
was at stake and all intercourse with the English 
was prohibited. 

So Napier found himself in the attitude of break- 
ing oflF the very trade with China which it was his 
duty to promote. He remained isolated in Canton, 
writing frequent letters to the mandarins defending 
his own course and protesting against theirs. At 
last the English traders, sufiFering in pocket from the 
prohibition enforced against them, begged Napier 
to retire from Canton to Macao so that commerce 
might be resumed. Napier, having begun his career 



134 FOEEIGN li^TEKFERENCE. 

in China aggressively, ended it tamely. He yielded 
to the importunities and retired to Macao, the 
Chinese thus being enabled to claim another humili- 
ation for the English. Soon after his return to 
Macao, Napier, who had long been in ill health, 
died. 

Once more trade between the English and Chinese 
merchants and sailors was resumed. The Chinese 
gradually forgot Napier's conduct and in 1837 
Captain Elliott, who had been appointed the new 
British superintendent of trade, received authority 
to proceed to Canton. 

The importation of opium from India by British 
traders had grown by this time to large proportions 
and the Chinese nation was suffering from its effects. 
The use of the drug assumed the proportions of a 
national vice and the government at Pekin became 
alarmed. In its opposition to the opium traffic it 
had the practically united support of the most 
intelligent Chinese, who saw in the increasing 
imports a grave national danger. The board of 
censors at Pekin and the learned men of the 
Hanlin college drew up a number of petitions to 
the throne setting forth in detail their reasons for 
urging an absolute prohibition of the opium traffic. 
Proclamations were issued prohibiting the use of 
opium and providing severe penalties. Meanwhile 
the British continued to smuggle the drug into the 
country, finding the traffic extremely profitable. 
Canton was the chief seaport for these importations. 



FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 135 

In January, 1839, Emperor Taoukuang, who had 
succeeded Kiaking on the throne, ordered Lin 
Tsihsen, viceroy of the province of Houkuang, to 
proceed to Canton and report on the opium traffic, 
with suggestions for the best methods of stopping 
it. Commissioner Lin was instructed " to cut off 
the fountain of evil and if necessary for the attain- 
ment of his object, to sink his ships, for the indig- 
nation of the great emperor has been fairly aroused 
at these wicked practices (the buying and selling of 
opium) and the hourly thought of his heart is to do 
away with them forever/^ 

Serious friction ensued with Captain Elliott at 
Canton and he made a concession by publicly warn- 
ing all British subjects to discontinue the illicit 
opium trade, also declaring that his government 
would make no objection if the Chinese authorities 
should seize and destroy the illicit drug. But the 
importations continued, and Commissioner Lin 
finally demanded that all stores of opium at Canton 
be delivered to him within twenty days. Chinese 
troops surrounded the British settlement and Cap- 
tain Elliott called upon the traders, for the para- 
mount considerations of safety to their lives and 
property, to hand over their opium. More than 
20,000 chests, valued at $10,000,000, were delivered 
to Commissioner Lin, who destroyed this huge stock 
of the crude material for vice and then wrote a 
letter to Queen Victoria asking her to interdict the 
opium trade forever. 



136 FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 

The destruction of the opium did not stop the 
traffic. Fresh stocks were procured and smuggled 
to the Chinese. Commissioner Lin became threat- 
ening again and declared that he would expell all 
the English from Canton if necessary. Captain 
Elliott saw that a clash was approaching and asked 
his home government for protection. 

Eights between English and Chinese in the streets 
of Canton became frequent, and soon, to avoid being 
made the victims of a popular outbreak, the Eng- 
lish retired to Hong Kong. Everything was ripe 
for hostilities on a large scale. Two English men- 
of-war had several conflicts with forts near Canton, 
and on November 3, 1839, they engaged in battle 
with a fleet of 29 Chinese junks off* Chuenpee. The 
Chinese fought with desperate bravery, but were 
defeated. 

A British expedition consisting of 15 men-of-war 
and 4000 troops on transports arrived at the mouth 
of the Canton river in June, 1840. The river was 
blockaded and the island of Chusan was seized after 
a bloody fight. Abandoning the Canton river for a 
time, the fleet sailed north for the mouth of the 
Peiho to bear a letter from Lord Palmerston, the 
English premier, to the Chinese government which, 
it was hoped, would result in a settlement without 
further bloodshed. Lord Palmerston's letter was 
accepted by Keshen, the viceroy of Pechili, and 
forwarded to Pekin. Then the fleet returned to 
Canton. 



FOREIGN INTEBFERENCE. 137 

Commissioner Liu had incurred the displeasure 
of the Emperor by failing to make a stronger show- 
ing against the English in the conflict of arms and 
Keshen was sent to supersede him at Canton. No 
answer to Lord Palraerston being received, the 
English proceeded to capture all the outer forts of 
Canton, killing 500 Chinese and sustaining but 
slight loss themselves. Keshen, moved by this 
reverse, signed an agreement in 1841, ceding Hong 
Kong to the English, providing for the payment of 
an indemnity and authorizing the British govern- 
ment to hold ofiicial communication with Pekin. 
This displeased the Emperor and he deposed 
Keshen, sending Eleang to supplant him. Eleang 
refused to ratify the agreement made with Keshen 
and the war was resumed. 

The English bombarded and captured the inner 
forts of Canton but the Chinese collected troops 
from the interior and made a number of stands, 
suffering defeat in every case. They had plenty of 
bravery, but lacked modern weapons and drill. 
The campaign was extended to Amoy, Ningpo and 
other important cities, the Chinese, in some cases, 
killing their wives and children and afterwards 
committing suicide to avoid falling into the hands 
of the English. Chapoo, Shanghai and Chinkiang- 
foo were captured in succession. 

Emperor Taoukuaug at last saw the hopelessness 
of farther resistance and in August, 1842, the treaty 
of Nankin was signed. It was agreed that the 



138 FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 

Euglish should be confirmed in the possession of 
Hong Kong, that an indemnity of $21,000,000 in- 
cluding the price of the destroyed opium, should be 
paid and that Canton, Shanghai, Ningpo, Fuchau 
and Amoy should be open for trade. Not a word 
about opium was said in the treaty, and the traffic 
was resumed. Sir Henry Pottinger, who conducted 
tlie negotiations on behalf of England, failed to 
obtain the assent of the Chinese government to a 
legalization of the traffic and he refused to under- 
take the responsibility of a preventive service in 
China. 

Friction between the foreigners and Chinese was 
by no means ended. The increasing demands of 
the Europeans and the resentment of the Chinese 
led to frequent clashes at Canton, which were 
increased by the effi^rts of the English to obtain 
more commercial concessions than had been granted 
by the treaty of Nankin. In October, 1856, an 
incident at Canton precipitated China's second for- 
eign war. This incident was the seizure of the crew 
of the sailing vessel Arrow in Canton harbor. 
The boat had registered in the British office at 
Hong Kong but was not at the moment entitled 
to the protection of the British flag, through the 
neglect of her captain to renew the license. The 
Chinese seized twelve men on board the ship on 
suspicion that they were connected with piracy. 
At the demand of the British consul, nine of the 
men were released, but three were held, one as the 



FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 139 

principal and the other two as important witnesses 
of the crime. The British flag which flew over the 
boat was hauled down by the Chinese. 

With but slight delay war was begun by the 
British, as the Chinese refused to make what was 
considered full reparation for the insult to the Eng- 
lish flag. The Chinese maintained that the English 
were merely seeking a pretext for war. Sir Michael 
Seymour, with a fleet, attacked the forts near Canton 
and dismantled them. The city itself was captured 
but the English did not have a force large enough 
to occupy it effectively and abandoned it. When 
they left, the Chinese returned and took revenge by 
burning the foreign settlement. Sir Michael Sey- 
mour sent a request to London for 5000 troops and 
these were promptly sent. Lord Elgin was dis- 
patched as special envoy to present to the Chinese 
government the demands of England, which were 
as follows : 

(1) Reparation for injuries to British subjects. 

(2) The complete enforcement at Canton and the 
other treaty ports of the treaty stipulations. 

(3) Compensation to British subjects and persons 
entitled to British protection, for losses incurred in 
consequence of the late disturbances. 

(4) The assent of the Chinese government to the 
residence at Pekin, or to the occasional visit to that 
capital, at the option of the British government, of 
a minister duly accredited by the Queen to the 
Emperor of China, and recognition of the right of 



140 FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 

the British plenipotentiary and the chief British 
superintendent of Chinese trade to communicate 
directly in writing with the high ofl&cers at the 
Chinese capital. 

(5) Revision of the treaties with China with a 
view to obtaining increased facilities for commerce. 

Before the arrival of Lord Elgin there was a 
terrific conflict with a Chinese fleet of 72 junks on 
the Canton river, sheltered by the guns of shore 
fortifications. Sir Michael Seymour won a brilliant 
success, though several of his vessels were destroyed. 
His loss was 13 men killed and 40 wounded. The 
Chinese loss was much heavier. 

Soon after the arrival of Lord Elgin at Hong 
Kong, Baron Gros, representing France, went to 
China with similar demands. France, too, wanted 
an extension of trade relations with China by sea 
and she sent ships and men to co-operate with the 
English. This united force attacked the city of 
Canton by storm and captured it, with a loss of 97 
men to the English and 34 to the French. 

Canton being once more in foreign possession, it 
was decided that Lord Elgin and Baron Gros 
should go to Pekin and present their demands. 
The allied fleets sailed for the mouth of the Peiho 
river in May, 1858, and summoned the commander 
of the Taku forts to surrender. No reply being 
received, the forts were attacked and captured. The 
ambassadors proceeded up the liver to Tientsin, 
which they made their temporary headquarters. 



FOREIGN iNTERFEilENCE, 141 

Commissioners were sent from Pekin to Tientsin 
to treat for peace and an agreement was drawn up, 
but this appeared to be only a ruse by the Chinese 
to gain time. 

In the negotiations at Tientsin the question of 
the opium traffic — still a tender point with China 
— came up. It was agreed that opium might be 
imported into China on payment of a duty equiv- 
alent to about $50 a chest. Sir Henry Pottinger, 
who had been as actively concerned as any one in 
the controversies with China on this subject, said : 

^^ By the most unbiased and careful observations 
I have become convinced during my stay in China 
that the alleged demoralizing and debasing evils of 
opium have been and are vastly exaggerated. Like 
all other indulgences, excesses in its use are bad and 
reprehensible ; but I have neither myself seen such 
vicious consequences as are frequently ascribed to 
it, nor have I been able to obtain authentic proof 
of their existence. The great and perhaps I might 
say sole objection to the trade, looking at it morally. 
is that it is at present contraband and prohibited 
by the laws of China and therefore to be regretted 
and disavowed.'^ 

Mr. Frederick Bruce, a brother of Lord Elgin, 
was instructed to proceed to Pekin and exchange 
the ratifications of the treaty. It was soon found, 
however, that the Chinese, instead of looking for- 
ward to peace, were preparing for renewed and ener- 
getic resistance. England lost no time in acting, 



142 FOEEIGN INTERFERENCE. 

A fleet under Admiral Hope was sent to the mouth 
of the Peiho and, instead of finding the way open, 
the river was barred with iron stakes. The Taku 
forts had been reoccupied by Chinese troops, and 
were bristling with cannon. 

On June 25, 1859, another attack on the forts 
began. It was this battle which gave to the world 
the famous phrase " Blood is thicker than water.^^ 
Admiral Hope was attacking the forts when the 
tide went down and left his ships helpless in the 
mud, under the fire of the Chinese smoothbores. 

Captain Tatnal], the flag officer commanding the 
United States China Squadron, which was anchored 
off the bar nominally guarding American interests, 
perceived the plight of the British Admiral. Ex- 
claiming " blood is thicker than water,^^ he lowered 
his barge and with his flag lieutenant and twenty 
men rowed up the river to show the Englishman 
how to point his guns. The flag lieutenant, Stephen 
Decatur Trenchard, was badly wounded, and one 
man in the barge was killed in passing through the 
fire from the forts. Once on board, however, the 
British guns were so well served by Americans that 
the forts were silenced and Tatnall himself piloted 
the British vessels by a channel he had discovered 
until they found protection in the fleet outside. 

The attack on the forts was a failure and the 
English lost 300 killed and wounded. Their fleet 
returned to Hong Kong to await the arrival of more 
ships and fresh instructions from Europe. 



FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 143 

A plan of united action was agreed upon in 
November, 1859, between France and England, 
and another expeditionary force was sent out. Eng- 
land appointed Sir Hope Grant to command its 
land forces of 13,000 men, and France^s troops, 
numbering 8,000, were commanded by General 
Montauban. Admiral Hope was retained at the 
head of the English fleet. A renewed attack on 
the Taku forts was successful, the Chinese fighting 
with great bravery and losing at least 500 killed. 
The next step was the capture of Tientsin, where 
the Chinese made but slight resistance. Then fol- 
lowed a march to Pekin. The Chinese gave battle 
in force at Chan-chia-wan, but were defeated. On 
October 13, 1860, the allies entered Pekin and the 
mutual ratifications of the treaty of Tientsin fol- 
lowed. China had reached the end of her resist- 
ance. 

Mr. Bruce was given charge of British affairs in 
Pekin as resident minister in March, 1861, and thus 
for the first time, China opened regular diplomatic 
relations with a foreign country. Other nations 
than England sent ministers later, and the perma- 
nent character of the diplomatic corps at the capital 
was established. For seven years China refrained 
from sending any ambassador to represent her at a 
foreign court. The increasing need of this became 
apparent if a diplomatic corps was to be retained at 
Pekin, and in 1868 Mr. Anson Burlingame, who 
then retired as United States minister at Pekin, 



144 FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 

accepted an appointment as the accredited repre- 
sentative of the Chinese government to eleven of the 
principal countries of the world. Mr. Burlingame 
died at St. Petersburg in 1870, and then the present 
practice of sending native Chinese diplomats abroad 
was begun. 

Still another step was taken in 1862, when sev- 
eral British subjects were appointed to assist the 
Chinese government in the collection of customs 
dues at the treaty ports. In the following year Sir 
Robert Hart was appointed Chinese imperial director 
of maritime customs, and he still holds that office, 
being one of the chief financial officers of China. 

French aggressions in Tonkin, over which country 
China exercised suzerainty, led to a brief war be- 
tween France and China in 1883, and there was also 
trouble with Russia in fixing the frontiers of Cen- 
tral Asia. These difficulties were such as any nation 
might have, and did not result in any radical change 
in Chinese policy. They served, however, to show 
that the territorial aggressiveness of the European 
powers was not to abate. 

The war with Japan, in 1894-95, is described in 
a separate chapter. More than any other conflict 
in which China has been engaged it was marked by 
events ominous to the future integrity of the empire. 

The '' sphere of influence '^ theory comes now to 
be considered. France, by reason of contiguous 
interests, claims a preponderance or "sphere'^ in 
Southern China, the region bordering on Tonkin 
and Anam. England presents the same claim to 



FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 145 

the fertile valley of the Yangtzekiang, where her 
immense trade interests in China are chiefly situated. 
Germany claims the province of Shantung, south- 
east of Pekin, with perhaps part of the territory 
west of Shantung. Russia claims North China, 
including Manchuria and Mongolia. 

Up to 1899, England's sphere of influence was 
not recognized by Russia nor Russia's by England. 
On April 28 of that year the two governments 
entered into an arrangement on this point. They 
declared that they were animated by a sincere desire 
to avoid in China every cause of conflict, and that, 
taking into consideration the economic and geo- 
graphical position of certain parts of the empire, they 
entered into the following arrangement : Russia 
was not to demand railway concessions in the basin 
of the Yangtzekiang and was not to oppose any 
demands made by England for concessions in that 
region. England, on her part, made the same 
engagement in regard to the portion of China lying 
north of the great wall. An assurance was given 
that the two powers had no intention of encroaching 
upon the sovereign rights of China, but of course 
this '' intention '^ is subject to change. 

The seizure of Port Arthur and Talienwan by 
Russia, of Wei Hai Wei by England and of 
Kiaochau by Germany, together with the Italian 
demand for San Mun Bay, are described in the 
chapter on the war with Japan, of which conflict 
they were practically direct outgrowths. 
10 



CHAPTER VIII. 
History of China at a Glance. 

CHINA'S history, as all the world knows, is a 
long one, and it has also been a glorious one. 
The country has had its internal commotions, its 
periods of good or bad government, its epochs of 
industrial depression and religious excitement. But 
it is doubtful if any European nation, balancing 
the account as a whole, has been able to accomplish 
so much as China has done in the way of peace, 
comfort, security and material development for a 
large population. 

Comparatively few of China's rulers have been 
cruel and arbitrary. As there is no hereditary 
class distinction, the exploitation of one element of 
the population by another has been reduced to the 
lowest limits. Many of the emperors have been 
practical philanthropists and, burdened by a sense 
of humility inspired by their exalted office, have 
striven by every means in their power to elevate 
and protect their people. Though the Chinaman 
has all the qualifications of a soldier, he prefers 
peace to war and his progress has been chiefly along 
the line of industrial and literary effort. For this 
reason a population now estimated at 400,000,000 
146 



HISTORY OF CHINA. 147 

is maintained in a normally healthy economic state, 
with food, raiment, culture and promotion to the 
highest positions in reach of the humblest who may 
strive for them. 

The usual date given for the beginning of China's 
history as a nation is about 2500 B. C. Today we 
have the strange spectacle of a people speaking the 
same language and observing to a large extent the 
same social and political customs as they did when 
they were contemporary with the Assyrians, the 
Egyptians and the Jews. Western Asia has under- 
gone repeatedly the shock of transformation as the 
varying fortunes of the Assyrians, the Babylonians, 
the Persians, the Greeks, the Komans and the hosts 
of Islam have risen or fallen. Through it all 
China has stood, firm in the fixidity of her national 
aspirations and preserving the homogeneous and 
continuous character of her race. 

The cradle of the Chinese nation is placed by 
tradition on the banks of the Hoangho or Yellow 
river, near the northern part of its course, in what 
is now^ the province of Shen-Si. Here, about 
2500 B. C, ruled the Emperor Hwang-ti, who is 
credited with having given the country its first 
regular institutions, the people having previously 
been nomads. On this site was formed the first 
group of communities which became, through grad- 
ual extension, the Chinese Empire. The germ of 
civilization radiated north, south, east and west, 
spreading from the banks of the Hoangho. 



148 HISTOBY OF CHINA. 

Roughly grouping Chinese history into two 
periods^ one of them may be described as extending 
from 2500 B. C. to 221 B. C, and the other from 
the latter date to the present time. The first was a 
period of formation of national consolidation into 
the unit which became the Empire. The other has 
been the period of development, of continuous 
though conservative evolution. 

The two periods were separated by the reign of 
Emperor Tsin Chi Hwang-ti, a remarkable states- 
man and soldier who welded into a firm mass what 
had hitherto been a loosely connected band of states 
or provinces. Another important stage was the 
time of Confucius, the great Chinese philosopher, 
about 500 B. C. It was Confucius who constructed 
a system of philosophy systematizing the Chinese 
civilization and laying the foundation for the class 
of literati who have since been so potent in the 
history of the nation. The leaven of Confucius' 
work was vigorously active when Tsin Chi Hwang- 
ti succeeded to the throne in 221 B. C. Everything 
was ripe for the moulding of Chinese institutions 
into a definite political system. Tsin Chi Hwang-ti 
was the man for the work. He belonged to the 
dynasty of the Tsin, one of the eight ruling families 
among whom the government of the country was at 
that time divided. Tsin Chi Hwang-ti conquered 
all the other kingdoms and combined them under 
his own rule. These kingdoms, though then for 
the first time reduced to one political sway, had 



HISTORY OF CHINA. 149 

already been one in civilization. Their peoples 
were all Chinese, who felt a common bond of race 
and aspirations. Tsin Chi Hwang-ti went a step 
further and extended his dominion as far south as 
Tonkin. In his conquests he thus added to the 
empire some peoples who were not Chinese, but the 
influence of the superior civilization soon bound 
them firmly to the dominant race. 

The same powerful emperor also drove back the 
Tartars, who constantly menaced China on the 
north. He it was who built the great wall, a tre- 
mendous engineering work, for the purpose of keep- 
ing off the Tartars. This huge structure, however, 
has never been an efficient means of defense, for 
since its erection China has been twice overrun by 
the Mongols and Manchus, both of whom have in 
turn been conquered by Chinese civilization even 
more powerfully than by force of arms. 

Between Tsin Chi Hwang-ti and the powerful 
literary class founded by Confucius there sprang up 
a decided antagonism. His strong infusion of the 
military element in China was repugnant to them, 
as tending to subvert the permanent paternal and 
benevolent character which they desired the empe- 
rors to possess. The monarch, who never did things 
by halves, finally resorted to a measure of extreme 
violence. He ordered the destruction of all books, 
especially the ancient works so venerated by the 
literati and the people. The literati hid some of the 
books, and thus, while a considerable number of 



150 HISTOEY OF CHINA. 

these invaluable works were preserved, the power 
of the literati was temporarily broken. 

From 200 B. C. to our own time there have been 
a large number of dynasties in China, whose rule 
has occasionally been broken by periods of anarchy. 
The six principal dynasties have been as follows : 

The Han, from 202 B. C. to 263 A. D. 

The Tang, from 618 to 905. 

The Sung, from 960 to 1119. 

The Yuen or Mongols, from 1295 to 1341. 

The King, from 1368 to 1573. 

The Manchus, or Ta Tsing, from 1616 to the 
present time. 

Between the Han and the Tang dynasties, and 
also between the Sung and the Yuen, it will be 
noticed, long intervals occurred. These were marked 
by a political breaking up of China but the cen- 
trifugal forces were not sufficient to keep the 
Kingdom divided and long periods of cohesion 
followed. This cohesion was brought about by 
the unity so firmly inculcated by Tsin Chi 
Hwang-ti and by the basic similarity of manners 
and beliefs, so systematically represented by the 
literati. 

Hwei Ta, the second emperor of the Han 
dynasty, who reigned from 194 to 187 B. C, 
revoked the decree against books, thus restoring 
the literati to full power. The work of this 
dynasty was in conserving and strengthening the 
foundations of Chinese progress. One of its 



HISTOKY OF CHINA. 151 

emperors, Wen Ti, realized the noble ideal of a 
ruler which Confucius had formed. He governed 
his people as a father and promoted agriculture 
and education by many wise laws. His character 
is shown by the following edict published on the 
occasion of an eclipse of the sun : 

"I have always heard that heaven gives to the people it 
produces superiors to nourish and govern them. When these 
superiors, masters of other men, are without virtue and govern 
badly, Heaven, to make them enter the path of duty, sends or 
threatens them with calamities. In this eleventh month there 
has been an eclipse of the sun. What a warning that is to me I 
On high, the stars lose their light ; below, our people are in 
misery. I recognize in all this my deficiency in virtue. Imme- 
diately on the publication of this declaration let there be an 
investigation with all possible attention throughout the empire 
as to what my faults are in order that I may be warned of tliem. 
To this end let the most enligthened, righteous and firm per- 
sons be sought for and presented to me. On my part, I recom- 
mend all those who are in charge to apply themselves more 
closely than ever to fulfilling their duties and in particular to 
retrench all useless expenditure, that the people may profit 
thereby." 

This was an establishment of the right of memo- 
rializing the emperor, maintained with but slight 
intermissions to this day. It was afterward devel- 
oped by the institution of a board or council of 
censors at Pekin, whose duty it is to warn the 
emperor. The observations of these censors are 
published in the Imperial Gazette and reproduced 
in the gazettes of the provinces. 

Under Wu Tai, who reigned from 140 to 86 
B. C, wars were undertaken which crushed the 



152 HISTORY OF CHINA. 

power of the surrounding nations that threatened 
China. This was the first step toward the exten- 
sion of the empire later, when Tartary and Tibet 
were added to it. Wu Tai was deeply interested in 
Chinese history and gave a great impetus to the 
study of it. In his reign Sze-ma Tsien, who has 
been called ^^the Herodotus of Chiua/^ compiled 
his great work, ^^ Historical Records/^ which has 
been the basis of much modern research. Under 
the Han dynasty the Buddhist religion was intro- 
duced into China. 

The Tang dynasty, which succeeded to the throne, 
was a succession of literary rulers under whom edu- 
cation and civilization made rapid progress. It was 
while this dynasty was in power that the Chinese 
svstem of civil service examinations for office was 
established. 

Tai Tsung, who came to the throne in 627 A. D., 
was another emperor who strove to realize the ideal 
of Confucius. He decreed that from that time forth 
the emperors, before confirming sentence of death 
passed upon criminals, should fast three days. The 
punishment of death was to be inflicted only with 
the sanction of the monarch, except in cases of neces- 
sity for immediate repression. Tai Tsung wrote a 
book upon the art of governing. 

"After I have given each day,^' he said, "the 
necessary time to transacting affairs of state, I make 
it my pleasure to project my views and thoughts 
over the histories of the past. I examine what 



HISTORY OF CHINA. 153 

were the manners of each dynasty, the good and 
bad examples of all the princes, the revolutions and 
their causes, and always do so with advantage/' 

To his son he gave this advice : 

*^My son, be just, be good; reign over yourself, 
have absolute sway over your passions and you 
shall reign without difficulty over the hearts of 
your subjects. Your good example, far more than 
your most rigorous orders, will make them fulfil 
their duties with all the more exactitude. Punish 
seldom and with moderation ; but scatter benefits 
with full hands. Never put off until the morrow 
a favor which you can confer the same day. Post- 
pone, on the other hind, chastisement until you 
have assured yourself that it is deserved.^' 

The famous Chinese academy or college, the 
Hanlin, was established under the Tang dynasty. 
It is a body of the most cultivated and intelligent 
men in China and has a part in the educational, 
moral and political direction of the empire. The 
Tangs included warriors as well as statesmen and 
they made their power felt as far west as the Cas- 
pian sea. 

The Tsung dynasty which next came into power, 
extended the system of competitive service exam- 
inations to the array. 

The Mongol dynasty governed only 88 years and 
during this time it furnished eight emperors. It 
had conquered China at a time when the empire 
was divided. The Mongol rulers did not govern 



154 HISTOKY OF CHINA. 

as aliens. They became Chinese themselves^ main- 
taining the greatness of the empire and thoroughly 
identifying themselves with it. It was Kublai 
Khan, known in Chinese as Chitson or Hu-pi-lieh, 
who made Pekin the capital of the empire. Under 
his reign an additional religion was introduced in 
the empire in the form of Lamaism, an importation 
from Tibet. The later line of the Mongol dynasty 
deteriorated and the Chinese drove it out, the native 
dynasty of the Mings succeeding it. These reigned 
from 1368 to 1616, when the present dynasty of 
Mauchus rose to the throne. 

The first emperor of the Ming dynasty, known 
as Hung Wu, was born in 1837, the son of a laborer. 
He became a Buddhist monk but left the cloister to 
become a soldier and raised a great army, by means 
of which he expelled the Mongols and assumed the 
supreme power. He ruled wisely and well, pro- 
moting useful public works, founding plans for the 
relief of the aged and infirm, and extending the 
practices of religion. But, though the early rulers 
of the Mings measured up to a high standard, the 
later ones deteriorated through their long lease of 
power. The Manchus came upon the scene as con- 
querors and the last of the Chinese dynasties was 
established in 1616. 

This dynasty is of particular interest to modern 
readers because it is now in control of China. On 
the whole it is a strong race which has contributed 
many able rulers, though it has often pursued a 



HISTORY OF CHINA. 155 

policy of selfishness in maintaining the Manchus as 
the nearest approach to a ruling class which the 
Chinese system permits. Especially have its sol- 
diers been drawn from Manchuria, including the 
garrisons of the most important cities. The Manchu 
emperors have made a practice of taking only Man- 
chus for wives, preserving a pure race-stock from 
China^s northernmost province in control of the 
imperial power. 

One of the best known of the Manchu emperors 
was Kanghi, who ruled from 1662 to 1723 and was 
contemporary with Louis XIY of France. He 
encouraged the Jesuit missionaries, who entered 
China for the first time during his reign. Kanghi 
was an enlightened ruler of decided ability, and 
under him Chinese prestige took a great step for- 
ward. He was both a man of peace and a man of 
war, and his political sagacity left a long-enduring 
impress upon the empire. 

Under Emperor Keen Lung the subjection of 
Tartary was effected, and the submission of Tibet 
was definitely secured. 

The last century of the Manchu dynasty has had 
as its most notable development the breaking down 
of the barriers against foreigners and the extension 
of foreign influence over the empire itself. It has 
also been marked by the Taeping rebellion. Each 
of these stao;es of Chinese historv is treated of in 
a separate chapter. 



CHAPTER IX. 
The Great Taeping Rebellion. 

THE Taeping rebellion, which lasted from 1850 
to 1864, was one of the greatest uprisings 
which ever occurred in China, bearing in this 
respect an analogy to the war of the Boxers. It 
spread to within less than a hundred miles of 
Pekin, overrunning the southern part of the empire 
and forcing the Manchu dynasty to fight for its life. 
The outbreak was suppressed by a young English 
major of engineers — Charles Gordon — who was 
thereafter to be known in history as ^^ Chinese'^ 
Gordon. For this remarkable man's services China 
was profoundly grateful. The Pekin government 
offered him lands, titles and large sums of money, 
but with characteristic modesty he declined them 
all. He said : '' 1 shall go back to England as 
poor as when I left it." And in truth he did. 
Years afterward he was to die in the Soudan, a 
victim of the Mahdists' fury in the last city on the 
upper banks of the Nile in which the English 
made a stand against them. The sad circumstances 
of his fate gave him a name — Gordon of Khartoum — 
which marks even a more notable period of his 
career than the time he spent in China. 
156 



THE TAEPING REBELLION. 157 

As in the Soudan, so in China, Gordon was pitted 
against an insurgent leader who claimed a super- 
natural religious character. This was Hung su 
Tseuen, or, as he is better known by the name he 
took afterward, Tien Wang, founder and leader of 
the Taepings. Tien Wang was born in 1813, the 
son of a small farmer near Canton, and was a 
hakka — a member of a race of tramps correspond- 
ing somewhat to our gypsies. The hakkas were 
much despised in China and so Tien Wang came 
from decidedly humble origin. But from an early 
age he showed great brightness of mind. He studied 
hard and attempted to pass the civil service examina- 
tions but failed to attain office owing, it was charged, 
to favoritism and prejudice. 

Having heard a Protestant missionary preach in 
the streets of Canton, he listened carefully and took 
home with him a book called ^^Good Words for 
Exhorting the Age.^^ This work consisted of ser- 
mons and essays by a Chinese convert. Tien Wang 
studied it carefully and imbibed many points of 
Christian doctrine which were afterward to form a 
part in the religious system which he taught to 
millions of followers. He also spent some time in a 
Buddhist monastery, studying that faith as carefully 
as his opportunities allowed. 

During a period of 40 days it was declared that 
he had visions and received from heaven a com- 
mand to destroy the idols which were worshipped 
in China. After the time had expired, he assumed 



158 THE TAEPING REBELLION. 

a grave and superior demeanor and began to preach 
his doctrine. He said he had been divinely appointed 
to restore the world to the worship of the true God, 
that he was a son of God and that Jesus was his 
elder brother. He enjoined upon his converts to 
renounce the worship of Confucius and give up all 
idols. At intervals he fell into trances, in which, 
he said, he had interviews with God. The deity, 
he also said, had given him a seal and a sword. 
He proclaimed himself a saviour of China from sin 
and disease. 

Travelling among the cities and towns of lower 
China, Tien Wang made many converts. Until 
1850 his movement was purely religious, but in 
that year it assumed a political phase. The leader 
declared that he had a mission to take the throne of 
China and proposed to drive out the Manchus. He 
nominated five of his principal apostles or lieuten- 
ants as Wangs or soldier sub-kings, calling them 
northern, southern, eastern, western, and assistant 
Wangs respectively. 

The name Taepings now became commonly 
applied to the followers of Tien Wang. Taeping 
was the name of a small town, in the province of 
Kuang-Si, where the rebel movement began. The 
word means ^' universal peace '^ and it was said that 
this was the name of the dynasty which Tien Wang 
proposed to found. 

The movement was carried on in the name of 
religion and attracted considerable sympathy in 



THE TAEPING REBELLION. 159 

America and Europe. Reports went forth that its 
leader had received his inspiration from the Chris- 
tian missionaries and his cause was looked upon by 
thousands of Christians as a good one. In Eng- 
land prayers were even oflFered for his success. 
Later^ when the Taepings began to commit many 
excesses, murdering and pillaging, this sympathy 
turned from them. 

After overrunning a considerable section of the 
country at the outset, Tien Wang attacked the city 
of Kueiling. He was repulsed but tliis did not 
diminish the ardor of his followers, animated, as 
they were, by religious zeal. Sweeping across the 
vast province of Hu-nan, they attacked the pro- 
vincial capital, Changsha, and met another repulse. 
Without artillery and unversed in the science of 
war, Tien Waug^s followers were not equipped to 
attack cities under favorable circumstances. After 
besieging Changsha 80 days, the attempt to starve 
it out was given up and the Taepings swung north- 
ward again. 

The imperial garrison of Yochau fled at their 
approach and in the arsenal there the Taepings 
made a highly important capture of arms and 
ammunition. Equipping themselves with these, 
they attacked the great city of Hankau, which 
surrendered without a blow. The city of Hanyang, 
which with Hankau and Yochau forms the great- 
est industrial beehive of central China, likewise 



160 THE TAEPING REBELLION. 

surrendered and the Taepings felt that their cause 
was in truth favored of heaven. 

In March, 1853, they advanced to the great city 
of Nanking, and after a faint-hearted resistance by 
the Manchu garrison it, too, surrendered. Here the 
seat of the Taeping power was established as a pre- 
liminary to the capture of Pekin, but as Pekin never 
fell into their hands they continued to use Nanking 
as the revolutionary capital. At the capture of 
Nanking many Manchus who surrendered were ruth- 
lessly put to the sword, their number having been 
estimated by reliable chroniclers as high as 20,000. 

Hienfung was on the throne at Pekin, and Tien 
Wang, as the leader of the Taepings, was now a for- 
midable rival of his power. In 1853, a Taeping 
army of 80,000 men was collected at Nanking, and a 
large part of it was sent north to attack Pekin. 
Several fortified cities on the way successfully re- 
sisted attack, but, as had been the case in the south 
of China, the rebels easily overran the open country 
and attracted large numbers of converts among the 
people. Crossing the Hoangho they encountered a 
Manchu army in Lin Limming Pass and entered 
the province of Pechili in September, 1853. Such 
consternation had been created by their victory at 
Lin Limming that no town in the southern part of 
the province dared to oppose them. They finally 
reached Tsing, only 20 miles south of Tienstin and 
less than a hundred miles from the capital. This 



THE TAEPING REBELLION. 161 

was the high-water mark of the Taeping rebellion. 
It never got any closer to Pekin. 

The emperor was now fully alarmed. He sent in 
haste for Mongol levies, and a powerful chief, San- 
kolinsin, was to lead them. Had the Taepings 
pressed on promptly they might have captured 
Pekin without much hard fighting. But a fatal 
indecision seized them and they remained at Tsing 
until the Mongols had time to arrive in front of 
their position. Sankolinsin defeated them in the 
open field, and then they retired to their fortified 
camp at Tsing, sending to Nanking, their capital, for 
help. Relief came in time to save them from the 
fate which threatened them — utter extermination — 
but the reinforcements could not stem the tide. 
Sankolinsin kept pressing back the rebels until, in 
1855, he had driven them completely from the 
provinces of Pechili and Shantung. Only a small 
part of the two armies which had been sent north to 
capture Pekin ever returned to Nanking. 

Chung Wang, one of the Taeping leaders, suc- 
ceded in breathing fresh life into the cause by several 
distinct successes against the imperial troops. At 
the same time, the movement spread to the coast 
cities. This was fatal to it, for on the coast it en- 
countered the foreigners, who, being thus disturbed, 
resorted to measures which finally ended in the 
suppression of the rebellion. 

Shanghai was threatened and the French, who 
were established there with the Americans and 
11 



162 THE TAEPING REBELLION. 

English, took the initiative by sending 400 marines 
and sailors to co-operate with the Chinese imperial 
troops. The English soon joined in and active 
measures were taken for the protection of Shanghai. 
Merchants in that city subscribed to a fund which 
was used in organizing and paying an army of 
defense, composed partly of Chinese and partly of 
white adventurers. This force was known as the 
" Ever Victorious Army " and was commanded at 
first by Frederick E. Ward, an American. He was 
a dashing and successful fighter, having the complete 
confidence of the Chinese and though his impetuosity 
led him into an occasional reverse, his career with 
the '^Ever Victorious Army'^ was in the main 
truly victorious. Larger and larger grew the 
numbers of Taepings threatening Shanghai but 
Ward and his army saved the city in conjunction 
with occasional help from the French and English 
fleets. At length Ward was killed in battle and 
Burgevine, another American, succeeded him. 
Though Burgevine had undoubted talent he was 
considered dictatorial and irritable and did not gain 
the confidence of the Chinese and Europeans to the 
same extent as Ward had done. He was also in- 
spired by excessive ambition and at one time pro- 
posed that he and a few others should establish 
themselves in part of China as an independent 
power. He was finally ousted from the command 
as a result of the constant friction between him and 
those who were back of the " Ever Victorious Army.^^ 



THE TAEPING REBELLION. 163 

A new commander was needed and Major Charles 
Gordon was chosen. He took the command in 
March^ 1863, when the Pekin government itself 
had just emerged from a war with England and 
France in which it had come off second best. 
Gordon soon collected about 5,000 Chinese and 
white troops whom he inspired by his own high 
character, dauntless courage and stragetic ability. 
He drilled and disciplined his men — a heteroge- 
neous body, at best — until they were fit to face 
any foe. It was a theory of Gordon, which is 
especially interesting at this time, that Chinese 
fought as well under their own officers as under 
Caucasians ; all that was necessary was to drill 
and equip them properly. Never armed, but 
always carrying a little bamboo cane, which came 
to be known as his '' magic wand of victory ,^^ 
Gordon led his men in almost every battle they 
fought. He seemed to them to be everywhere 
and yet always in front at the same time. Habitu- 
ally exposing himself, he appeared immune to 
the dangers of battle. 

In less than two years after he took command 
the power of the Taepings was broken. At first 
confining himself to the region about Shanghai, 
he finally undertook an aggressive campaign and 
city after city which the Taepings had ruled for 
years was won back for the imperial power. Li 
Hung Chang who had then just risen to promi- 
nence, was the Chinese official immediately in 



164 THE TAEPING KEBELLION. 

supervision and he had implicit confidence in 
Gordon, besides boundless admiration for the 
man. When the great city of Suchau was 
captured, Gordon stipulated that the lives of the 
Wangs who were in command there should be 
spared but they were nevertheless murdered. For 
this breach of faith he was inclined to blame 
Li Hung Chang and their former close friendship 
was broken. 

The final stand of the Taeping power was 
made at Nanking, where Tien Wang, the leader 
of the movement, remained. A desperate resist- 
ance was made and when the outlook became 
hopeless Tien Wang committed suicide. The 
walls were undermined with gunpowder and 
through the breach made by the explosion the 
imperial army rushed to victory. So, on July 
19, 1864, when the Taeping rebellion had raged 
14 years, it was finally stamped out. Gordon, with 
his usual modesty, was inclined to deprecate his 
own share of the work. He said the victory would 
have been won without his assistance, though it 
might have been delayed. To this day the Chinese 
regard him almost in the light of a god of war. 



CHAPTER X. 

Chinese Religion and Civilization. 

CHINESE religious practices are an object of 
prime importance just now^ as coming in 
contact with the wonderfully aggressive force of 
Christianity in a supreme clash that threatens, as 
far as the soil of China is concerned, to send one or 
the other to the wall. In order to comprehend 
clearly what these practices are, we must first take 
into consideration the fact that the system prevail- 
ing in China is essentially diflFerent from that in 
America or any of the leading countries of Europe. 
Here religion is practically confined to one faith, 
the different branches of which find their fountain 
heads in the one great source of inspiration, the 
Bible, the Christians accepting both the old and 
new testaments and the Jews only the old. In 
China, on the contrary, there is one basic system of 
fetishism which mav be called the Chinese faith. 
and besides there are the widely differing faiths 
or cults of Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism and 
Mohammedanism. 

The combined result of these systems, as fused 
into a composite production by their influence on 
the people of China, is to teach a high order of 

165 



166 CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 

morality in many things and a large number of 
beautiful and simple truths. Many a Chinaman 
will compare favorably in moral and philosophic 
elevation with the average type of a Christian or a 
Jew. There is, of course, a large class which falls 
below the standard, as is the case also among the 
Caucasian nations. It is noticeable that the moral 
degradation of which hasty foreign observers in 
China have written so much is chiefly to be found 
in the coast cities, where the natives come in contact 
with Europeans and Americans. Sailor morals — 
the cult of the trader — have presented examples to 
the Chinese whose influence has been almost wholly 
bad. The Christian missionaries have had a degree 
of success in overcoming this evil lesson, which the 
Chinese have wrongly taken as exemplifying the 
effects upon the westerners themselves of the faith 
sought to be impressed upon the whole people of the 
empire to the displacement of the sublime moral 
principles taught by the wisdom of their sages. In 
a word, the Chinese, while holding with the venera- 
tion of a race of ancestor-worshippers to the religion 
of their fathers, doubt the practical eflScacy of the 
Christian theory to produce equally beneficial results. 
They would, perhaps, have embraced Christianity 
in much larger numbers had it been introduced to 
them by Asiatics. Taught by the hated westerners, 
whom they have come to regard as given over to 
the sordid motives of trade, diplomatic trickery and 
brutal war waged for selfish purposes, they regard 



CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 167 

it not only with suspicion, but with intense 
alarm. 

We will consider now, first, the common base of 
Chinese religious practises, and second, the faiths 
or cults which have been grafted upon it. The 
base is a system of fetishism which was the original 
faith of the Chinese. It consists in veneration of 
the heavenly bodies, of the earth, of the sky, of 
natural phenomena, of ancestors, and of human 
beings who are regarded as having reached a high 
stage of perfection. Among the great altars at 
Pekin we find — considering them in the order 
of their importance — altars of the sky, of the earth, 
of prayer for obtaining the fruits of the earth in 
abundance, of the rising sun and of the moon at 
night. The sky is the preponderant deity. It is 
regarded as the powerful God whose action co- 
ordinates the activity of all the others. The chief 
town of each province, department and canton is 
officially required by the laws to have the fol- 
lowing altars and temples : altar to the sky ; altar 
to the earth ; altars dedicated to the winds, to the 
clouds, to thunder, to rain ; to the mountains and 
rivers ; to the first tiller of the soil : temples dedi- 
cated to literature, to the succession of emperors 
who have governed China, to the constellation of 
the Great Bear, to the moats which surround and 
defend the town or city, to the evil spirit who causes 
sickness ; to celebrated sages who have rendered 
distinguished services to their country ; to men who 



168 CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 

were models of sincerity, fidelity, righteousness and 
filial piety ; to maidens who were distinguished for 
eminent chastity and to married women who were 
renowned for their virtues and aiodestv. At Pekin 
the emperor and the mandarins, at certain periocls of 
the year fixed by tlie rites, perform official acts of 
worship to the sky and the earth in places dedicated 
to such uses. A grand sacrifice to the sky is made 
at the epoch of the winter solstice by the emperor 
himself. On this occasion he offers grain which he 
has cultivated with his own hands. 

Worship of ancestors, as a striking element in 
this fetishism which is the basis of China's religious 
systems, has influenced to a marked degree the 
whole life and civilization of the people. It has 
also made the Chinese the most notable examples of 
filial obedience and devotion to be found in the 
whole world. ^' Honor thy father and thy mother/' 
is a command which practically all Chinese obey. 
In almost every house is a place consecrated to the 
tablets of ancestors. This place is a domestic 
temple, a sacred place, where periodical offerings 
are made to ancestors, where are told the import- 
ant events that take place in the bosom of the family 
such as deaths, marriages and births. As a natural 
sequence extraordinary attention is bestowed upon 
the coffin. A Chinaman, while living, gives the 
making of his coffin as much attention as he be- 
stows on the making of his will. Still another 
sequence is the horror of mutilation which the 



CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 169 

Chinese have. Beheading is dreaded as a mode of 
execution, because it mutilates. 

Before taking up for consideration Taoism, Con- 
fucianism, Buddhism, and Mohammedanism as 
elements tending to develop in some cases, to modify 
in others, this central basis of Chinese religion, let 
us consider some of the effects which that basis has 
produced upon the people and the government. 
As worship of nature is its chief characteristic, it 
has caused in the Chinese a strong love for their 
homes, their native soil. Americans have observed 
how a Chinese immigrant laborer will toil far into 
the night in order that he may leave at his death a 
sufficient sum to transport his body to his native 
village for burial. The same family in many cases 
occupies the same home site for hundreds of years. 
There is also a deep love of flowers, of forests, of the 
towering mountains, of the great rivers which are 
the arteries of China^s trade. Learned magistrates 
and grave councillors of state will invite each other 
to inspect their gardens of peonies and chrysanthe- 
mums. A Chinaman will fall in love with a single 
flower and care for it wnth minute devotion, care- 
fully noting each stage in the development of its 
leaves and blossoms and feeling a real sorrow when 
it is gone. 

Reverence for the family has led to the establish- 
ment of the governmental type upon that basis. 
According to Chinese thinkers, the emperor is the 
father and mother of his people. His essential 



170 CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 

character is paternal. The influence of this idea 
has been felt strongly throughout the ages by the 
emperors themselves and its effect has been good. 
It acts as a check on acts of arbitrariness and 
absolutism. From this conception arises the marked 
tendency of the emperors to develop the industrial 
life of the people as a father providing for the 
temporal wants of his family. How well this ha^ 
worked out we can see in China to-day. What 
country of equal size in Europe, or even America, 
could support a population so vast without tre- 
mendous economic crises, leading perhaps to frequent 
changes in the government ? China is naturally 
fertile and has one of the most highly favored 
climates in the world. A great system of public 
works, including works of irrigation, has tended to 
extract from this fortunate situation the utmost 
good for the people. Commercial and industrial 
oppressors, where they have sought to raise their 
heads, have been sternly put down. The regulation 
of agriculture and markets is a function of the state. 
A point of considerable interest to American 
readers just now is that such an institution as 
an industrial trust does not exist in China. 
Nowhere else in the world is material produc- 
tion so largely distributed in the control of the 
masses of the people. A missionary has written : 

"As in this Kingdom there is not a useless foot of land, so 
neither is there a man or woman, young, old, halt, maimed, 
deaf or blind, who is without the means of making a living, 



CHINESE EELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 171 

without an art or occupation of some kind. The Chinese have 
a common saying * In the Kingdom of China nothing is thrown 
away/ However worthless or useless a thing may appear, a 
use is found for it, a profit of some sort made out of it. For 
instance, in Pekin alone there are more than a thousand fami- 
lies whose sole means of livelihood consists in selling matches. 
There are at least as many who live by raking up, in the streets, 
and among sweepings, rags of silk stuffs, cotton or hemp fabric, 
bits of paper and such things, which they wash, renovate and 
then sell to others, who put the fragments to use in a variety of 
ways and make a profit." 

Chinese industry, on the whole, is essentially 
petty industry. There is little employment of 
machinery. Large families manage to exist on 
but a fraction of an acre, producing practically 
everything they need. 

We have considered this industrial condition 
as a direct outgrowth of the paternal system of 
government, which is due to ancestor worship as 
a leading element in the primary religion of the 
people. The usual results of fetishism are tem- 
pered by the literary and scientific development 
of the Chinese which leads them to understand 
the ordinary processes of nature. Cruel practices 
like those of barbarian fetishists are practically 
unknown in Chinese religion. The aim is the 
elevation and development of the individual by 
the same synthetic and consistent processes as are 
observed in the phenomena of nature. The lower 
classes are necessarily subject to the fear of the 
wrath of their nature-gods more than those further 



172 CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 

advanced in culture, but no class is absolutely free 
from it. Great droughts, floods and earthquakes 
are considered by all as denoting the anger of the 
gods and sacrifices are made in the temples to 
appease the offended deities. 

Though the family is the basis of religion and 
the government, the conjugal relation is a weak 
point in it, not nearly approaching the purity of 
the paternal, maternal and filial ties in China. In 
this the Chinese are like other nations which have 
failed to feel what is essentially a modern develop- 
ment — the elevation of woman through the instru- 
mentality of Christianity. True, the women of 
China occupy a place far from that of menials and 
their influence over their sons and daughters is 
almost always great. But they still fall far below 
that state of popular estimation in which Christ- 
ianity has taught the nations of the western world 
to regard the weaker sex. 

The practice of having only one wife has been 
imperfectly attained in China. Though the law 
allows only one legitimate wife, it sanctions a regular 
concubinage. This legal concubinage is confined to 
those who are rich, or at least sufficiently well off to 
support more than one wife. Even among the 
wealthy it is far from being practiced as extensively 
as the law would allow. Instances of moral degra- 
dation are of course found among the Chinese in 
plenty, just as they are found in America and 
Europe. Especially is this the case, as previously 



CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 173 

stated, in the coast cities where they have come in 
contact with foreigners. The dwelling of the two 
races in the same city appears in many instances to 
have worked a degradation to both, 

Taoism as the first great modifying cause of the 
basic Chinese religion, comes now to be considered. 
This term is derived from the word TaOy meaning 
reason, and the members of the cult call themselves 
TaO'Shi, or followers of reason. Taoism is the 
philosophy of Lao-Tsze, one of the leading thinkers 
whom China has produced. 

Lao-Tsze was born in the Kingdom of Tsu, now 
the provinces of Hu-peh and Hu-nan, in 604 B. C, 
54 years before Confucius, from whose philosophy 
his own system is notably different. The teaching 
of Lao-Tsze may be summed up in the supreme 
principle that he undertook by means of reason to 
explain everything. In his own words he tells the 
germ of his belief as follows : 

** Before the chaos which preceded the birth of heaven and 
earth a single being existed, immovable and always acting but 
never altering. It may be regarded as the mother of the uni- 
verse. I know not its name but I designate it by the term 
Reason. Reason is the inmost essence of all things. It has 
neither beginning nor end. The universe has an end, but this 
Reason has not. Unchangeable before the birth of the uni- 
verse, it was nameless and ever-existing. Reason is the only 
name the holy man can give it. He also calls it spirit, because 
there is no place in which it is and no place in which it is not. 
He calls it truth, because there is nothing false in it ; principle, 
by way of contrast to what is produced or secondary. This 
being is truly one ; it sustains heaven and earth, and it itself 



174 CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 

has no qualities cognizable by the senses. It is pure as regards 
its substance ; it is reason in respect to the order in which it is 
established ; it is nature in relation to the force which it has 
given to man and which is in him ; it is spirit as to its mode 
of action without bound and without end/' 

A striking feature in the philosophy of Lao-Tsze 
is its contempt for the past, in which characteristic 
it is markedly diflFerent from Confucius and from 
the spirit of the basic Chinese religion. Confucius 
quotes the ancients often ; Lao-Tsze, never. 

Lao-Tsze has been called the Pythagoras of China. 
His advent was at a time when many of his country- 
men were sunk in a state of moral indifference and 
laxity in the practices of religion. With the zeal of 
a reformer he set himself to work to repair the evils 
of the day and to hold a higher ideal of duty before 
the Chinese. His philosophy was rather that of 
theory than of practice and to-day it occupies the 
smallest part in the religious life of China. 

Not so with Confucius, who is commonly accorded 
the rank of one of the greatest sages of all time. 
He it was who arranged the basic Chinese religion 
into an orderly and comprehensive system which 
was to serve as a creed f@r the people to this day. 
When he was born in 551 B. C, in what is now the 
province of Shantung, China was a group of petty 
kingdoms or provinces acknowledging a sort of 
subordination, more nominal than real, to the cen- 
tral Chow dynasty. The germ of a common civil- 
ization existed, but it was not yet coordinated in 



CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 175 

practical form. The needed bond of union and 
assimilation was a moral doctrine which would serve 
for all and be woven around the practices of the 
early Chinese faith. 

The father of Confucius was the governor of 
TsoW; a town of minor rank. The sage lost his 
father early and was brought up under the careful 
and intelligent tutelage of his mother. Educated 
with great pains, he showed from childhood a com- 
bination of ability, humility and devotedness which 
stamped him as one ranking far above his fellows. 
When 17 years old he accepted, at the desire of his 
mother, a petty official appointment, being made 
inspector of the grain and provision market. Here 
he showed that constant and indefatigable concern 
for the administration of public office as a great 
moral trust, which was the guiding principle of his 
career and to a large extent of his philosophy. When 
19 years old he married, and soon afterward, at the 
age of 21, he was promoted in the public service, 
being made inspector general of fields and flocks, 
with full power to institute reforms in his depart- 
ment. His mother died when he was 24 years 
old, and when his official career was just beginning 
to blossom. 

In conformity with the old customs, then more 
honored in the breach than the observance, he gave 
up his promising career in public life and spent 
three years in a seclusion which he utilized in a 
wonderful way. It was during this seclusion that 



176 CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 

he conceived his great project of reform. He evolved 
his plan of work and delved deep in earnest study 
of Chinese antiquity, of political aud moral ques- 
tions and in meditation on the principles of complete 
moral development. When his period of mourning 
and seclusion expired, he made a series of jour- 
neys into the kingdoms of China along the course 
of the Yellow river, carefully putting a finishing 
touch on his studies by observation of men and 
things. For 20 years he travelled about, convert- 
ing disciples to his doctrine, being consulted by 
kings and ministers and urging upon rulers the need 
of governing their subjects by paternal, moral and 
pacific means. His commanding intellect, no less 
than his purity and zeal, made a profound im- 
pression. 

Returning to his native state, the Duke of Lu 
persuaded him to accept again employment in the 
public service. When he was 50 years old, he was 
promoted to the important office of minister of civil 
and criminal justice, where he exemplified that com- 
bination of political life with the study and practice 
of moral philosophy which he so ardently taught. 
Besides his own remarkably beneficent work in this 
respect, a record of which Chinese historians have 
carefully preserved, his disciples were soon occupy- 
ing important political posts in other parts of China, 
while some of them continued to conduct an active 
propaganda. When the Duke of Lu, his protector 
and friend, died, Confucius again withdrew from 



CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 177 

public life and, accompanied by some of his disciples, 
resumed his travels, winning many converts to his 
doctrines. At the age of 66 years his wife died ; his 
son soon followed, and lastly his favorite disciple 
Yen Hvvei expired. These events saddened the great 
reformer's life in its closing years. Before his death 
he called together his leading disciples and gave 
them his last admonitions as regards the spirit of 
his teachings and the methods of their application. 
His sense of humility burdened him with a feeling 
that he had accomplished little good in the world 
compared to his opportunities. ^' I have not been 
successful,^' he said. ^^ Will any one be found, after 
my death, willing to take upon himself this painful 
task?" 

In 479 B. C, this wonderful man died. He had 
lived 72 years and was to exercise upon China to 
remote generations an influence greater than that of 
any other of her sons. 

Confucius had merely begun the work. His dis- 
ciples spread their propaganda after his death and 
it increased enormously. Under Emperor Kaotsou, 
the founder of the Han dynasty, who reigned from 
202 to 194 B.C., the worship of Confucius was intro- 
duced as that of a sage. This was notwithstanding 
the fact that he had not claimed to be divine, but 
sought his own self-development in common with 
the development of moral standards in other men. 
Soon temples to Confucius were erected in all the 
principal cities of China. Under the Han dynasty 
12 



178 CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 

he was named Kung or Duke ; the Tang dynasty 
elevated him to the position of " First Saint ^^ and 
afterward ^' Preacher- Prince/^ his statue being 
clothed in royal garments and a crown being put 
on its head. The Ming dynasty named him '' the 
most holy, the wisest and the most virtuous of the 
founders of men/^ 

The four principal works called Confucian are 
the Hiao King, or Classic of Filial Piety, the Ta 
Hio, or Great Lore, the Chung Yung or the Con- 
stant Mean, and the Lun Yu or Philosophic Dis- 
courses. Parts of these he wrote and others include 
his sayings, but the most of the Confucian works 
were drawn up by his disciples. 

The Ta Hio consists of an argument ascribed to 
Confucius and an explanation given by Tseng Tsze, 
one of his disciples. In this book Confucius tells 
of the problem of moral perfection in this way : 

*' The Great Lore treats of tlie way to make bright virtue 
brighter, to win the people's love and to stay in the utmost good- 
ness. From the emperor down to the common folk there is one 
duty for all— to make the regulation of their conduct the first 
concern." 

This is a brief statement of the dogma that the 
moral perfection of each individual is the end to be 
aimed at. Confucius' idea of how to carry it out 
was thus stated : 

" The first thing is to know your aim and then form a resolve ; 
your resolve being formed, be steadfast in it; being steadfast, 
you will have peace of mind ; having peace of mind, you can 
then meditate ; meditating, you can attain your aim," 



CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 179 

Tseng Tsze, the disciple, seeks to work out these 
ideas and connect them with the early history of 
China so as to consolidate the political and moral 
system of the empire. He says in dealing with the 
lessons of one of the emperors : 

" How profound was King Wan^s endeavor, unwearied and 
ardent, to attain the highest goodness ! As a sovereign, his aim 
was to be beneficent ; as a subject, his aim was to be reverential ; 
as a son, his aim was to be filial ; as a father, his aim was loving 
kindness ; in his intercourse with statesmen, his guiding aim 
was good faith/' 

What a lesson for rulers of the present day ! 

In the Chung Yung or Constancy of the Mean, 
the precise conception of the state of perfection as 
Confucius understood it is set forth in definite terms. 
Here is an extract from it : 

" It is only the sage of wisest ken who can fully understand 
and develop his own nature; being able fully to understand 
and develop his own nature, he can therefore fully understand 
and develop the nature of others ; being able fully to under- 
stand and develop the natures of other men, he can therefore 
fully understand and develop the nature of things ; being able 
fully to understand and develop the nature of things, he can 
therefore co-operate with heaven and earth in their trans- 
forming and sustaining operations; being able to co-operate 
with heaven and earth in their transforming and sustaining 
operations, he can therefore constitute himself with heaven and 
earth a trinity. Next to the perfect sage comes he who by cul- 
ture rectifies his nature flawed by some ingrained bias." 

Confucius, full of the spirit of worship of the sky 
and earth taught by the venerable Chinese religion, 



180 CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 

borrowed from the laws of the celestial bodies that 
type of order and regularity which he sought to 
attain in human life. He said : 

" There are five universal ways or lines of duty and three 
means by which to pursue them ; to wit — as between lord and 
vassal, as between father and son, as between husband and wife, 
as between older and younger brother, as associating with friends 
— these five are the universal ways and duties. Knowledge, 
humanity, courage; these are the three universal virtues ; and it 
is by their unity that the duties are carried into practice/' 

Confucius not only framed a moral system, based 
on conscience and a sense of duty, but he rendered 
another service by editing the ancient literary mon- 
uments of Chinese civilization. These have become 
the sacred books of China : the Yih King, or Book 
of Changes ; the Shu King, or Book of Historical 
Documents ; the Shih King, or Book of Poetry ; 
and the Li Ki, or Record of Rites. He added to 
these a fifth book from his own pen — the Chun Chu, 
or Spring and Autumn, containing the annals of his 
native State of Lu. 

Thus we see that Confucius, while a reformer, did 
not seek reform by radical changes or the overthrow 
of the venerated past. He took what was good in 
the past and consolidated it into a great system for 
the future. As a philosopher and a literary man, 
he was a worthy type upon which to found the non- 
hereditary class of literati, who have played such an 
important part in the history of China. 



CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 181 

Among the philosophers who advanced along the 
path which Confucius opened was Meng-tsze, better 
known to western peoples as Mencius. In Chinese 
estimation he ranks next to Confucius. He was 
born about the beginning of the fourth century, B. 
C, in what is now the province of Shantung, and 
died in 314 B. C, at a great age. Besides develop- 
ing in many ways the doctrine of his chief, he 
formulated the condition under which the overthrow 
of the imperial family, the central element of Chinese 
unity, becomes a necessity. Mencius lays it down 
that the ruling house must be gotten rid of when it 
no longer fulfils its duty in a tolerable way. 
When this stage arrives, the emperor ceases to be the 
sovereign, the son of the sky, receiving his imperial 
mandate from heaven. The mandate must be 
withdrawn from him by a popular revolution if 
necessary. When the emperor ceases to govern 
wisely, it is a sign that heaven's favor has been 
taken from him and he is no longer entitled to rule. 
This spirit, it will be observed, is far removed from 
the absolute submission to hereditary monarchs 
which has been a characteristic of many European 
nations. 

Buddhism and Mohammedanism, the two other 
religions which have been grafted on the original 
Chinese system, have not affected it markedly, though 
they have gained millions of adherents in China. 
As two of the world's best known and most widely 
observed faiths, which are not peculiar to China, 



182 CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 

they need no description here. Buddhism was in- 
troduced into the empire from India under the Han 
dynasty in 65 B. C. Many emperors have embraced 
its teachings and have fostered it. The literati, who 
as a class represent China's culture and the truest 
teachings of her civilization, have been prone, 
however, to despise it. Some mandarins, though 
Buddhists, will nevertheless perform the rites of the 
Chinese religion. They do not find the two incom- 
patible. At times some of the emperors have been 
violently incensed against this faith and have sup- 
pressed a great number of its monasteries and con- 
vents. 

Mohammedanism spread into China from Arabia, 
soon after the death of its founder. It has taken 
deep root in some sections of the empire and its 
adherents, inspired with a disregard of death in con- 
sequence of its prophet's teachings, have furnished 
some of China's best soldiers. Like Christianity, 
however, it is a religion totally apart from the 
original Chinese faith and has existed separately. 
It has encountered little persecution from the em- 
perors. 

Having now considered the religions of China, 
which are the principal foundations of its civiliza- 
tion, we will next consider that civilization as a 
whole. It is, as we have already seen, markedly 
different type from the civilizations of the west. Edu- 
cation is widely diffused and the cultured Chinaman, 
with his mind stored with the lore of his sages, his 



CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 183 

intellect highly trained to Chinese methods of think- 
ing, and his courtesy and politeness, which form 
such a contrast to the brusqueness of the west's 
manners, is indeed an object for admiration. The 
culture of the Chinaman, however, aims chiefly at 
the development and philosophy of morals and man- 
ners, not at that of abstract knowledge like the 
culture of the west. He has literature, science, 
music and art of a kind, but it is not the western 
kind. Reality is the most noticeable characteristic of 
his literary works. Though he has poetry, romances 
and dramas, they portray real life, and grand ideal 
works, like those of Homer, Dante and Milton, have 
never been produced by the Chinese. There are his- 
tories in plenty, but they relate to China alone or, 
at most, to Asia. No other country in the world 
has such a complete mass of historical data relating 
to itself and reaching back continuously into dark 
antiquity. Geography, except as relating to China, 
was scarcely known until a recent time and was 
not wanted. Mathematics and all other scientific 
branches are in an elementary state. What science 
the Chinese have comes to them chiefly from the 
Hindoos, the Mussulmans, and the Christians. 
Astronomy reached a comparatively high state of 
development among them at an early date and then 
remained almost stationary. They learned how to 
calculate the periodicity of solar eclipses and other 
phenomena but developed no scientific theory to 
account for them. Owing to their nature-worship 
they were prone to turn to religion for an explana- 



184 CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 

tioii of all tilings. High art and an advanced devel- 
opment of music do not exist in China, though both 
are practiced in the lower stages. The culture of the 
Chinese is almost devoid of imagination. They have 
no myths, none of the pleasing stories of the super- 
natural with which western nations have delighted 
themselves. Neither Confucius, Mencius nor their 
successors had recourse to the supernatural to support 
their teachings. 

The invention of printing was in wide use in 
China long before the time of Guttenberg, and when 
western nations were still reading their books from 
manuscripts. In 931 A. D. printing was invented 
by the minister Fung Tao. Movable types were 
not employed. The whole book was engraved on 
w^ooden blocks and then printed, the process used 
being economical. In the eleventh century the 
Chinese advanced to the invention of movable types, 
but these were not extensively used. In China the 
veneration for the antique leads to reprinting the 
same books over and over again, while the west is 
given to the production of works that have but a 
temporary character. The same blocks could there- 
fore be used for many successive editions of a book 
until they became worn, and then they could be 
restored by a cheap and simple process. It should 
be noted that publishing can be done in China much 
more cheaply than in America or Europe. But 
there was another reason why the Chinese preferred 
their own mode of block printing. The nature of 
their script is far different from ours. With us the 



CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 185 

elementary sounds are represented by letters, and 
all words are built up by a combination of these. 
In China, on the contrary, writing is not phonetic. 
Each Chinese written sign or character expresses a 
syllable, a word, or even a whole sentence or idea. 
Hence the characters are extremely numerous, and 
exceed thirty thousand in all. New characters 
are constantly being invented to keep pace with the 
progress of knowledge and civilization. So the 
Chinese for centuries felt no need of movable types, 
as their own mode was more economical and conve- 
nient. In the last half-century the use of the mov- 
able kind has become wider in China, owing to the 
influence of the missionaries, and it is being con- 
stantly extended. 

Far antedating the use of type was the invention 
of paper and ink, made in the reign of Tsin Chi 
Hwang-ti, which covered the period from 221 to 
209 B. C. The improvement of the pencil or writ- 
ing brush was made by one of that monarch's generals, 
Meng Tien. Previously books had been written by 
graving upon bamboo slips, and in rare occasions 
they had been graven on stone. These tedious pro- 
cesses were done away with by writing upon paper 
with the brush and ink. The manufacture of paper 
became one of the leading industries of China. 

A striking characteristic of Chinese civilization 
is the absence of caste and the caste spirit. In this 
respect it approaches more nearly to democracy than 
some countries which have made greater pretensions 
to free institutions. All Chinamen are born on an 



186 CHINESE KELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 

equality. The highest places in the state are open 
to all. Under the system of civil service examina- 
tions the merit test is applied in the vast majority 
of appointments to public office. Sons of laborers 
have swayed the destinies of the empire ; daughters 
of laborers have become the consorts of its emper- 
ors and their children have succeeded to the throne. 
Even the imperial family is not strictly a hereditary 
aristocracy. The emperors, as we have already seen, 
are deposed when they govern badly, the right of revo- 
lution being exerted by the people. The monarches 
eldest son does not necessarily succeed him — a fact 
directly opposed to the spirit of caste. Each 
emperor selects his heir from the members of his 
family and is absolutely unrestricted as to which of 
them he shall choose. 

Among the results of the absence of caste are the 
marvellous development of industrial activity and 
respect for private property — both directly proceed- 
ing from the feeling that the rights of all are on a 
legal equality, that there is no bar to effi)rt and no 
right by one class to exploit another. The notion that 
the soil belongs to the monarch or the feudal chief 
has found no lodging place in the mind of the China- 
man. The freedom of transmitting private property 
is subject to no law of primogeniture or entail. 

Agriculture is the main end of this peaceful 
people and they have become the most cheerfully 
industrious, and the wealthiest nation in Asia. 
The cultivation of cereals, and, above all, rice is the 
main branch of agriculture. Gardening has been 



CHINESE RELIGION AND CIVILIZATION. 187 

developed to unrivalled perfection. The cultivation 
of tea and bamboo is also an immense source of 
wealth. A great variety in the bamboo has been 
attained by skill and patience. Different kinds in 
size and height, in the color of the wood, the 
distance of the knots, in the substance and thickness 
of the leaves and branches are produced by care and 
systematic attention. The young sprouts are used 
as a part of China's food supply, which is mainly 
vegetable. Pigs and fowls are the chief articles of 
animal food though beef, mutton and venison are 
gotten from Tartary. The implements of agri- 
culture are simple. Such a thing as the great wheat 
farms in the western part of the United States, 
where everything is done by machinery, is unknown. 
The silk industry has great importance and dates 
from remote antiquity. Minerals abound. It is this 
wealth of China, developed from the fertility of the 
soil by the industry of the people, that is exciting 
the cupidity of western nations. 

China needs no foreign commerce, for her inter- 
nal commerce has been carefully nourished on an 
enormous scale. This trade is chiefly carried on by 
water. The whole country is a huge network of 
rivers and canals, on which navigation is constant. 
The government has fostered the development of 
channels of communication among the provinces 
and thus, even without the much-vaunted railroad, 
trade and communication in China proceed at a 
tremendous pace. 



CHAPTER XI. 
How China is Governed. 

THE theory of the Chinese Government is ^^ equal 
and exact justice to all, with special privileges 
to none/^ In practice these beneficent purposes are 
more or less thwarted by the weaknesses of human 
nature, from which even Western critics are not 
wholly free. One of the conditions which hampers 
the system is the fact that low salaries are paid to 
many of the ofl&cials and a still larger number are 
not paid at all. This is a result of the efforts to 
reduce the tax burdens of the people to the lowest 
possible limit, a subject which for countless centu- 
ries has occupied the attention of the emperors and 
the literati. Some officials who receive no pay or 
very little, yielding to natural but far from com- 
mendable impulses, make a practice of receiving 
bribes or '^ tips." From this the inference may be 
drawn, perhaps, that too much public economy is 
not a good thing. What is taken in through the 
spigot may come out at the bung. 

In order to get a just estimate of China^s govern- 
ment, we must first consider what it aims at, secondly 
what results it produces and thirdly what are the 
natural defects it encounters in the way of producing 
188 



HOW CHINA IS GOVERNED. 189 

a perfect administration. Some foreigners, full of 
prejudice against the Chinese race, have scoffed at 
the system, but the great majority of careful inves- 
tigators have found in it, as far as laws can make it, 
an admirable system which is peculiarly well adapted 
to the character of the Chinese. It will not do to 
accept at face value the opinion of every foreigner 
who has criticised the Chinese government in un- 
sparing terms. The very extremes of some of the 
criticisms are a conclusive argument against their 
fairness. We have some millions of people in our 
own country who have the idea that the government 
of the United States is about as near perfection as 
the limitations and fickleness of human nature will 
permit. Yet subjects of European monarchies who 
have travelled on this side of the water go home 
and scoff at us. 

Though the central figure of the Chinese govern- 
mental system is the emperor, who is supposed to 
derive autocratic power from heaven, he is so sur- 
rounded by checks and balances that he cannot 
exercise this power like a despot. Besides the history 
and traditions of his office fix so definitely its ben- 
evolent character that it may almost be said he dare 
not be a despot. In theory, the emperor as we have 
previously seen, is the ^^ father and mother of his 
people.'^ His character as an official is essentially 
paternal, and not tyrannical or oppressive. Though 
there is no congress or parliament in China or any- 
thing that may be called a system of representative 



190 HOW CHINA IS GOVERNED. 

institutions, the emperor is checked by the splendid 
moral code of Confucius, which is the accepted 
chart of his duties, and by the board of censors at 
Pekin, whose official function it is to criticise the 
acts of the sovereign and who are unsparing in their 
comments. They are always comparing the acts of 
to-day with the beneficent ones of the past and are 
vigilant in their observations of everything the 
emperor says and does. Another institution peculiar 
to China, and which in itself is a great check on the 
impulses of an unworthy sovereign, is the board of 
historiographers of the Hanlin college, the institu- 
tion which embraces the empire's most learned men. 
This board is composed of 22 members, who are 
constantly with the emperor to record his words and 
acts. What they write is a complete secret so long 
as the same dynasty continues to reign. Thus the 
official history of the Manchu sovereigns, who have 
ruled from 1616 A. D. to the present time, will only 
be known when their line has ceased to occupy the 
throne. The duty of publishing it will then become 
a sacred charge upon their successors. The emper- 
ors from time immemorial have been given to 
studying and quoting the precedents of the past and 
their records breathe a spirit of benevolence to their 
subjects. It gives them pause to reflect that every 
important word they utter is to pass into the history 
of their country and that the estimation in which 
they will be held by future generations will be thus 
decided. 



HOW CHINA IS GOVERNEB. 191 

In consequence of these checks on the emperors, 
we find in all of China^s long history extremely few 
cases of a monarches evil whims bringing calamity 
on any large section of his subjects. The emperors 
have fairly faced the many and arduous problems 
with which they have been confronted. They have 
been hard workers, arising early and listening pati- 
ently to the recitals of the complaints and appeals 
of their people. Everything at the palace is done in 
an orderly manner and in strict accordance with 
what the experience of the past has shown to be 
practical and efficacious. The humblest criminal 
in China is entitled by law to receive at the hands 
of the judges as much consideration as an accused 
official of the highest class until his sentence is 
finally passed upon by the emperor. 

Some of the monarchs, in the course of ages, have 
developed a tyrannical and cruel tendency. This 
has generally been confined to the palace itself and 
the mass of the people has not been permitted to 
suffer by it. As to the palace, a strict and exacting 
system of official discipline is maintained and degra- 
dations among employes of the government often 
occur. It is seldom that officials have been punished 
by death, except in cases of peculation or other 
grave offense. 

Next in importance to the emperor in the govern- 
mental system of China are the two inner cabinets 
and a number of subsidiary boards which conduct 
distinct departments of the state. The cabinets are 



192 HOW CHINA IS GOVERNED. 

the Grand Secretariat or Niu Koh, and the General 
Council or Kiun Ki Chu. The secretariat is com- 
posed of four secretaries and two assistants. The 
senior grand secretary has nearly always been a 
Manchu since the present dynasty came to the 
throne and Li Hung Chang had the honor of being 
the first official from China proper appointed to that 
post. Ten learned men, who are usually doctors of 
the Hanlin College, assist the secretaries. The full 
staff numbers fully 200 officials. The secretaries 
are an advisory board to the emperor and are in 
close contact with him. They submit to him great 
numbers of papers which have been transmitted to 
them and receive the instructions upon the basis of 
which the official edicts are drawn up. They also 
keep the 25 imperial seals, each of which is used 
for a different purpose. 

The General Council, the second of these bodies 
constituting the central administration, is a board in 
which the heads of departments can be drawn 
together for consultation whenever the emperor de- 
sires. Under ordinary circumstances, when consul- 
tations among a large number of officials are not 
deemed necessary, it consists of four members. This 
council frames edicts, and it enjoys the right of 
audience with the emperor. It has a room in the 
Forbidden Palace, from which outsiders are rigidly 
barred, and usually meets at five o^clock in the 
morning. 

Next in rank below these two central advisory 
bodies are six administrative boards — the civil office, 



HOW CHINA IS GOVERNED. 193 

the boards of revenue, of rites, of war, of punish- 
ment, and of public works. Each of these boards 
has two presidents and four vice-presidents, with a 
large staff of under-officials, who systematize the 
work well. A few words of description will answer 
for the functions of the different boards. 

The civil office has control over the mandarins in 
regard to pay, promotion and the assignment of 
work. It also distributes rewards. 

The board of revenue receives the contributions 
of the provinces and disburses the payments of the 
central administration. To it is also assigned the 
duty of selecting the Manchu maidens who are 
admitted to the imperial harem. 

The board of rites is an important one owing to 
the ceremonious manner of conducting Chinese 
official business. It controls all these ceremonies 
and rituals, having both religious and secular 
authority. The ceremonies are regulated in a 
general way by the Book of Rites, a ponderous 
work in fourteen volumes. 

The board of war has only partial authority 
over the army and navy. It does not control the 
Banner army of Manchus and Mongols or the 
garrison of Pekin, which are distinct organizations. 

The board of punishment is practically a court 

of appeal. Associated with the board of censors 

and a court of revision, called the Tali Sz', it 

forms a supreme court for trying capital offenses. 

13 



194 HOW CHINA IS GOVERNED. 

At a fixed period of the year these three bodies 
meet, with six minor courts, thus forming the 
complete judicial bench of Pekin, for the purpose 
of revising punishments ordered in the provinces 
before laying them before the emperor for his 
sanction. The literature of the Chinese inculcates 
in marked degree a love of justice and there is an 
elaborate system of imposing checks upon official 
tyranny or error. 

The board of works is an office of public works 
and superintends the transportation system through- 
out the empire. It also coins money and has some 
minor functions. 

The list of boards is now finished, but there are 
other important public bodies at Pekin which exer- 
cise potent influence. Among these the chief in 
importance just now is the Tsung-li-yamen, or 
Chinese foreign office. It ^vas established in 1861, 
the year when the first foreign diplomat — Mr. 
Frederick Bruce, from the Court of St. James — was 
admitted to official residence at Pekin. Its duty 
is the transaction of business with the foreign 
ministers at the capital. The celebrated Prince 
Kung was its founder. This board, though possess- 
ing nominally little authority, being compelled to 
submit important questions to the emperor, never- 
tlieless exercises considerable power in its advisory 
capacity. 



HOW CHINA LS GOVERNED. 195 

It is computed that there are no fewer than 
20^000 officials of various grades connected with 
the boards and central offices at Pekin. A. red 
book, which is issued periodically, contains their 
names. They work hard and in this respect set 
an excellent example to the public officials of other 
countries. The organization of this elaborate sys- 
tem of bureaucracy, which is needed to conduct 
the business of a vast empire, has been pronounced 
admirable by many competent critics. It has 
sometimes been criticised by foreigners for corrup- 
tion and among its many members a degree of 
corruption undoubtedly exists. The foreigners, 
however, have often been the leaders in holding 
out the temptation of a bribe. 

The provincial administration of China is also 
carefully organized and here we come in contact 
with the powerful viceroys, or governors of provinces. 
To a large degree they are intrusted with almost 
sovereign functions, though they must make fre- 
quent and regular reports to Pekin. China is 
divided into 19 provinces, only a few of which 
enjoy the distinction of being each ruled by a 
separate viceroy. In most cases two provinces 
are combined in one viceroyalty. 

The paid provincial administration is far too weak 
in numbers, though it is assisted by a large number 
of unpaid officials. Only about 2000 officials in 
all the provinces of China receive salaries from the 



196 HOW CHINA IS GOVERNED. 

government. The others are largely composed of 
candidates for the civil service examinations who 
hope ultimately to get on the public payroll. It is 
this class of minor officials against whom the charge 
of bribery is most freely laid, and that they accept 
fees which are not authorized by law is well known. 
Sometimes this degenerates into blackmail. The 
government could apply the remedy by paying these 
officials enough to sustain life, but it hesitates to 
increase the taxes and the evil goes on. 

Another peculiar fact here comes in — China has 
almost no police. The unpaid runners and hangers- 
on of the mandarins make arrests in the provinces and 
the Banner army in Pekin exercises police functions 
to a limited extent. Were not the Chinese in ordinary 
times among the most peaceful and law abiding 
people in the world, great disorders would prevail 
constantly among them. This lack of a police 
system has affi3rded a favorable opportunity for the 
development of many secret societies, including the 
Boxers, who were allowed to flourish until they 
had become so strong that the army could not cope 
with them. 

The common forms of punishment in China are 
whipping and the wearing of the cangue, a heavy 
wooden case into an aperture of which the head of 
the criminal is thrust. The death penalty is inflicted 
in several thousand cases each year, but these, we 
have already seen, are limited in number by the 



HOW CHINA IS GOVERNED. 197 

clemency of the sovereign and the wide extension 
of the right of appeal. Decapitation and the ^^slow 
and painful process/^ which means being hacked to 
pieces^ are the usual forms of capital punishment. 
In some cases it is permitted for a criminal con- 
demned to death to hire a substitute. Such substi- 
tutes are easily found, it being considered a privilege 
by many Chinamen thus to sacrifice themselves that 
they may provide a considerable sum of money for 
their parents. 

The total revenue of China is estimated on an 
average at from $800,000,000 to $500,000,000 ; an 
extremely small sum, comparatively, for a nation of 
400,000,000 people. Part of this is collected in 
money and the rest in grain. A large portion of it 
is used in the administration of the provinces, and 
the remaining sum is forwarded to Pekin. The 
revenue derived from foreign customs under the 
supervision of Sir Robert Hart, an Englishman 
who has performed that duty for the Chinese 
government many years, forms a large part of 
the total. 

In her financial affairs China has show^n a credit- 
able contrast to Japan. She has incurred few per- 
manent debts for the sake of temporary gain. Japan, 
on the other hand, has borrowed money until her 
debt is several times as great as her whole revenue. 
At last she has reached a point where it is difficult 
for her to raise any more, and this is one of her 
weak points in the game with Russia. 



198 HOW CHINA IS GOVERNED. 

We have seen that the theory of China^s govern- 
ment is the benefit of the people, to be secured by 
benevolent laws and equal justice. It has fallen 
short of this, as every nation must do, but the extent 
of its success in many respects is really wonderful 
when compared with the records of the modern 
nations. China's chief disadvantage is official cor- 
ruption, which can only be remedied eflScaciously by 
the payment of adequate salaries to all her officials. 



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